Search results

1

Faszyzm, lewica, konserwatyzm

100%

Machaj Ł.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2015

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vol. 37

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issue 1

99 - 105

EN

The article is an analysis of Jonah Goldberg’s book Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left, From Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning. The author argues that Goldberg’s interpretation of Fascism as a left-wing phenomenon can be justifi ed only if a worshipful attitude to the state were to be considered to be an emblematic element of both doctrines. He agrees with Goldberg that there are important elements shared by American left-wing liberalism and Fascist ideology (excluding the criminal nature of the latter).

2

DENAZYFIKACJA W AUSTRII W ŚWIETLE RAPORTÓW SZEFA POLSKIEJ MISJI POLITYCZNEJ W WIEDNIU FELIKSA MANTLA

100%

Jankowiak S.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2022

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issue 1 (382)

87-103

EN

The aim of the paper is to present the process of denazification carried out in post-war Austria until 1949, based on reports prepared by Feliks Mantel, chief of the Polish diplomatic outpost. He arrived in Vienna on May 13, 1946 and the diplomatic mission operated until 1958 when it was transformed into an embassy. The focus of the paper is the problem of bringing former fascists to justice for their past conduct. The scale of collaboration, manifested among others by the large number of people engaged in the NSDAP, military service, participation in war crimes, etc. resulted in a gradual mitigation of the rules of their court trials. The cases of former fascists dragged on and the punishments imposed were disproportionate to the guilt. The process of the resolution of the legacy of fascism was also hampered by great politics, including the division of the post-war world into two blocks and the rivalry between the superpowers. This inconsistent process of judgment of the past continued for many decades. The author puts forward the thesis that based on the analysis of the situation in Austria in the second half of the 1940s it can be concluded that a practical resolution of their shameful past by the Austrians was simply impossible. He also attempts to show the reasons which ultimately made this process largely ineffective. The problem of denazification was not fully resolved. The reports of Feliks Mantel on the process of denazification were used in the study.

3

„Klatka Ezry”. Między poezją a polityką

88%

Sikorski T.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2016

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vol. 38

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issue 3

53-73

EN

Ezra Pound (1885–1975) was, next to Thomas Stearns Eliot, the most prominent American poet of modernist. He was considered the creator of vorticism and imagism — modern trends in art and world culture. In his works he reached to different eras and cultural trends. He was as well fascinated by medieval Provençal, Spanish and Italian literature, and Japanese art of haiku. On his work also had an impact scholasticism, Confucianism and Far East literature. In addition to poetry, Pound was also involved in literary criticism, painting and sculpture, he wrote historiosophical essays and dramas. The greatest fame brought him, however, written for many years, „Canto”. During his stay in the British Isles he also dealt with politics and economics. He was considered a supporter of the theory of Social Credit of Hugh Douglas Clifford, aBritish engineer and economic theorist. In the early twenties Pound went to Italy. Here he became fascinated with fascism and the person of Benitto Musollini. In his works (including his poetic works) appeared clear fascist and anti-Semitic accents. He criticized Jewish international financiers and banking (critique of usury). During World War II he gave propaganda „talks” in the Italian radio. He praised the organization of the fascist state and fascism as an idea, and at the same time warned the threat from international Jewish conspiracy. His views meant that he was accused of collaboration and treason. He was arrested and imprisoned in the US prison camp near Genoa. He spent almost amonth in aclosed cage. During his stay in the camp he had nervous breakdown. After transportation to the United States for many years he was locked out in hospital for mentally ill. After leaving the hospital, he returned to public space. Still creative, he was nominated for the most prestigious literary awards. His works have been translated into many languages around the world, including Polish. He died in Italy in 1975.

4

Futurism and the Birth of Fascism

88%

Donátková Z.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2020

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vol. 10

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issue 1

69-99

EN

This study analyses selected aspects of the Italian Futurist movement’s political agenda, its involvement in interventionist campaigns for Italy to join the First World War, and its subsequent role in the forming of the Fascist movement. The Intervento, the nine-month period when the nation was deciding whether to join the war, became an important milestone in Italian history, bringing together diverse political forces in Italy previously hostile to each other, shaping the traits which would determine its future. The turbulent days of the Intervento also marked the beginning of co-operation between the founder of Futurism, F. T. Marinetti, and Benito Mussolini, which culminated in the founding of the Fasci di Combattimento.

5

Patti Lateranensi. Un accordo tra lo Stato Fascista e la Santa Sede

88%

Sternalski P.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2013

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vol. 35

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issue 1

45 – 65

EN

The publication refers to the creation of the Vatican City State. It presents the history of “The Roman Question” (la questione romana) which began on September 20, 1870 when the army of the King of Italy, Victor Emmanuel II conquered Rome, capital of the Papal States. It then describes the evolution of Italian politics and the relations of Benito Mussolini and Italian fascism to Pope Pius XI, the Holy See and the Catholic Church. The author reconstructed the secret negotiations led by Francesco Pacelli (Holy See) and Domenico Barone (Italy) which ended in signing agreements. At the end it describes the provision of the Lateran Treaties and the course of their ratification.

6

Wspomnienie Profesora Wiesława Kozuba-Ciembroniewicza

88%

Sondel-Cedarmas J.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2015

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vol. 37

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issue 1

5 - 11

EN

The paper is devoted to the scholarly work of the late Prof Wiesław Kozub-Ciembroniewicz, a researcher of political and legal doctrines from Kraków. The author examines the most important areas of his research, pointing to Prof Kozub-Ciembroniewicz’s fundamental role in Polish research into the Fascist doctrine. In addition, she stresses Prof Kozub-Ciembroniewicz’s contribution to the analysis of totalitarianism carried out from a broader comparative perspective, not only with regard to Italian Fascism, but also Nazism and Bolshevism.

7

Narrative synergies – Christ stopped at Eboli: The writing of Carlo Levi in the view of Francesco Rosi

75%

Trapani G., Trapani G.

Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny

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2019

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issue 2

8

Ritradurre dopo il 1945. Alberto Mondadori e le traduzioni integrali

75%

Barrale N., Barrale N.

Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny

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2021

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issue 2

9

Elementy tradycji ustaszowskiej i ich znaczenie w procesie kształtowania się chorwackiej tożsamości narodowej po rozpadzie Socjalistycznej Federalnej Republiki Jugosławii

75%

Cesarz M.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2014

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vol. 36

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issue 4

69 - 88

EN

The paper is an attempt to analyse elements of the Ustaše tradition in the political life of today’s Croatia. Despite the fact that over 50 years have passed since the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), established on the initiative of Italy and Germany, the spirit of Ante Pavelić and the historical conflict between the Ustaše and the Chetniks are still present in the country’s political life and popular culture. The renaissance of nationalism was a legacy of rapid transformation and break-up of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; in addition, it dominated the political life during the quasi-authoritarian rule of the first president of Croatia, Franjo Tuđman. The coat of arms, currency and language policy adopted at the time are often associated with — not always rightly – with the ideology of the NDH. What also contributed to this was Tuđman’s historical revisionism, his authoritarian personality, anti-Serbian and anti-Semitic pronouncements as well as an equivocal attitude of the political elites, which — despite aspirations to EU membership — were unable to bring themselves to condemn the ideological legacy of Ante Pavelić’s regime.

10

Jak zostać bogiem?

65%

Milewska M.

Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne

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2013

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issue 5

EN

Sanctity is the very essence of political power, which needs its own rituals, myths, and symbols. This sacred nimbus confirms the authority of the ruler, making it unusual, mysterious and – as a result – untouchable. Religion is also the main source of the legitimacy of power, changing rulers into the sons of gods or at least kings „by the grace of God”. The twentieth century brought a new phenomenon: totalitarian personality cult, which is based on archaic beliefs and myths concerning power. Personality cult was a kind of charismatic power described by Max Weber, who considered charisma as strictly personal supernatural gifts of a new ruler. This article focuses on efforts made by the twentieth century dictators in order to create an artificial charisma and to become a living (and ruling) god.

11

Jazyk jako ochrana kultury

63%

Štefková M.

Svět literatury – Časopis pro novodobé literatury (World of Literature – Journal for Modern Literatures)

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2019

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vol. 60

45-54

EN

The article focuses on two main struggles the Neapolitan language had to deal with in the 20th century. In the introduction, the text presents George Steiner’s theory which argues that people all around the world use so many languages because one of the language’s principal function is to protect the culture and identity of its community against foreigners. In this article, this theory is applied on the Neapolitan and used to rationalize the fact that this southern Italian language survived in the last century against all the odds. Two major threats are stated. The first one was the Fascist era, during which the regime tried to abolish all the dialects and make all citizens speak proper Italian. One of the means to achieve this was a school reform which was supposed to make children switch fluently from their dialect to Italian. The second major threat was closely connected to the expansion of mass media. Neapolitan speakers were slowly acquiring the language used on television, which they often did not fully understand. In consequence, the Neapolitan language was separated from its oral tradition and, according to the Neapolitan playwright Annibale Ruccello, became superficial. In the end, the article claims that Neapolitan is still alive, illustrating this point with the quotation of the linguist De Blasi.

12

Fašistický mýtus znovuzrodenia v kontexte ideológie Národnej obce fašistickej a Rodobrany

63%

Hruboň A.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2015

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vol. 113

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issue 2

454-487

EN

The paper aims to analyze the ideology of two most notable fascist organizations in the first Czechoslovak Republic – the National Fascist Community and Slovak Rodobrana. The paper focuses on the possibilities of using the methodology of so-called “the New Consensus” platform on interpreting the concept of generic fascism. Author, on the basis of “palingenetic myth” as a definitional core of fascist organization, tries to check the functionality of the core motive of this relatively new theoretical approach towards fascism in the Anglophone historiography. In the end he points out on the strengths and weaknesses of the infl uential concept defined by British historian Roger Griffin. The study offers new suggestions for the discussion on the field of fascist studies as well.

13

Luigi Pirandello’s Concept of Life and His Way to Fascism

63%

Brandi L., Ceccoli U., Barbarulli C.

Slovo a smysl - Word & Sense

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2021

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vol. 18

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issue 38 (Special Issue)

45-64

EN

This article investigates Pirandello’s adhesion to the Italian Fascist Party by examining articles, interviews, letters, and essays with the aim of shedding light on the political dimension of this choice, so frequently mitigated by the critics, and of showing its relations to the author’s concept of life. Finally, by taking a close look at leading themes in the novel Il fu Mattia Pascal, the article raises the questions: To what extent is this text permeated with ideological elements? In what ways, similarly, does it transmit a view of the world that would connect Pirandello’s thinking to ideas that were mainstream in the society of his time.

14

Dějiny trampingu v pohledu Boba Hurikána a Gézy Včeličky

63%

Krško J.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2016

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vol. 8

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issue 1

171-183

EN

This paper considers the first attempts to write a history of camping. Against a background of the struggle between the communist and the so-called non-political campers Bob Hurikán wrote a book focusing on the topography of the settlements which affected subsequent perception of the history of camping. Bob’s work was to be counterbalanced by a book written by Géza Včelička, but due to the death of the author it remained unfinished. It nevertheless offers some illuminating insights about the origins and the development of this subculture.

15

Nástup italského fašismu po první světové válce

63%

Šmíd M.

Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century

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2017

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vol. 9

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issue 1

18-31

EN

The study deals with the advance of Italian fascism between 1919 and 1922. It follows its emergence in March 1919 in Milan, North Italy, the preconditions for its rise, important figures of the movement, national congresses, and program manifestos until the “March on Rome”, when B. Mussolini became Prime Minister of the Italian government in the autumn of 1922. It presents the fascist movement as a diverse platform that, with its pragmatic approach, responded to immediate social events, absorbing them into its program. The study analyses the personality of B. Mussolini, particularly his socialist and journalistic past, which he was able to skilfully utilize for the mobilization of masses after 1919. It points to the wider context of political situation in post-war Italy that contributed to the growth of the fascist movement (G. D’Annunzio, the squadrists etc.). The study thus presents fascism as a phenomenon of post-war Italy, which, despite being on the side of the victorious countries in WWI, found itself in a very complicated situation, such as the financial exhaustion of the country, frequent strikes of workers in industrial North-Italian cities, agricultural hardship, difficult integration of former soldiers into everyday life, growing violence and political radicalism, and the growing political and economic differences between the North and the South. It therefore shows that the advance of fascism was at the same time caused by the retreat of democratic elites from the positions that they should have fiercely protected against the aggressive authoritarian movement.

XX

Studie se zabývá nástupem italského fašismu v letech 1919–1922. Sleduje jeho vznik v březnu 1919 v severoitalském Miláně, předpoklady jeho vzniku, významné osobnosti hnutí, národní kongresy i programové manifesty, až do tzv. pochodu na Řím, kdy se stal na podzim 1922 B. Mussolini předsedou italské vlády. Prezentuje fašistické hnutí jako pestrou názorovou platformu, která svým pragmatickým přístupem reagovala na bezprostřední společenské dění a aktuálně je do svého programu vstřebávala. Analyzuje osobnost B. Mussoliniho, zejména jeho socialistickou a novinářskou minulost, jíž dokázal vůdce fašismu obratně využít k mobilizaci mas po roce 1919. Poukazuje na širší kontext, který přispíval k vzestupu fašistického hnutí (G. D’Annunzio, squadristi atd.), jejž zasazuje do politických poměrů poválečné Itálie. Studie tak prezentuje fašismus jako fenomén poválečné Itálie, která se, ač na straně vítězných států v první světové válce, ocitla ve značně složitých poměrech, jako byly finanční vyčerpání země, časté stávky dělníků v továrnách v průmyslových severoitalských městech, zemědělské těžkosti, obtížná integrace někdejších vojáků do každodenního života, růst ná- silí a politického radikalizmu obecně i prohlubující se politické a hospodářské rozpory mezi severem a jihem. Plně tak ukazuje, že nástup fašismu byl současně ústupem demokratických elit z míst, která měly urputně proti agresivnímu autoritativnímu hnutí bránit.

16

Tematická koncentrace textu – některé aspekty autorského stylu Ladislava Jehličky

63%

Davidová Glogarová J., Čech R.

Naše řeč (Our Speech)

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2013

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vol. 96

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issue 5

234-246

EN

Analysis of thematic concentration is a method for the detection of thematic words and quantification of thematic concentration in a text. This method was applied to articles by the Czech Catholic writer and journalist Ladislav Jehlička from the period 1936–1942. The aim was to compare two sets of texts: texts that are considered by literary theorists to be ‘problematic’ due to their expression of extreme right-wing views, and texts that are ‘neutral’, dealing only with general social questions. We expect that, in view of the choice of theme, the ‘problematic’ texts will be more influenced by the author’s ideological stance, which in turn will be reflected in the linguistic characteristics of the texts. We then compare texts published under Jehlička’s real name with those which appeared under the pseudonym ‘Eljen’. The results reveal a surprisingly small presence of words expressing a right-wing stance or ‘problematic’ themes (e.g., fascism, Jewish) among so called thematic words as well as an independence of the thematic concentration of ideology. Finally, a non-significant difference between Jehlička’s and Eljen’s texts can be viewed as a proof of the author’s relatively stable style.

17

Otázka rasy objektivem režisérů fašistické propagandy

63%

Červenková M.

Svět literatury – Časopis pro novodobé literatury (World of Literature – Journal for Modern Literatures)

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2018

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vol. 57

131-138

EN

This article deals with movies made during the fascist era which are treating the topic of colonial expansion. I tried to analyse these films to find out if they were primarily racist and what message the fascist directors wanted to give to the public. I discovered that the films were mostly meant to justify the Italian intervention rather than to denigrate the African natives. In the movies the key scope was to show the Italians in the best light and depict them as a highly developed nation, which is able and willing to civilize the underdeveloped Africa. Through the analysis of these films we can take a look into the complex core of the fascist ideology.

18

Mawlana Wahiduddin Khan’s Critique of Political Interpretation of Islam

51%

Anwer A.

Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne

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2023

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vol. 32

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issue 1

69-85

PL

Artykuł przedstawia krytykę politycznej interpretacji islamu, zaproponowaną przez indyjskiego myśliciela Malwanę Wahiduddina Khana. Pytanie o miejsce polityki w islamie nabrało olbrzymiego znaczenia, zwłaszcza wobec ekstremistycznych działań wojujących islamistów: czy tego rodzaju działania wpisują się w szczególne odczytanie islamu, które wypływa z pewnego rozumienia religii, czy też zmierzają do wypełnienia głównego celu religii? Czy ustanowienie islamskiego porządku politycznego jest podstawowym zadaniem każdego muzułmanina? Tego rodzaju pytania pojawiają się w sposób naturalny w każdym człowieku zaniepokojonym terrorystycznymi działaniami wojujących islamistów. Ponieważ próbują oni usprawiedliwić swoje działanie szczególną interpretacją islamu, konieczne jest przedstawienie narracji stojącej w opozycji do ich interpretacji, a także wykazanie, że tego rodzaju osoby będące daleko od szczerego wyznawania islamu ponoszą winę za poważny błąd w jego interpretacji. Artykuł służy temu celowi przez przedstawienie krytyki politycznego islamu, dokonanej przez Mawlanę Wahiduddina Khana. Przez określenie „polityczny Islam” rozumie się szczególny wykład religii islamu, który postrzega wiarę głównie w kategoriach społeczno-politycznych. Krytyka dokonana przez Khana jest jednym z najwcześniejszych intelektualnych sprzeciwów wobec takiego rozumienia islamu. Mimo że wielu myślicieli wniosło wkład w teorię politycznego Islamu, artykuł koncentruje się jedynie na pismach indopakistańskiego badacza Mawlany Sayyida Abul Ala Mawdudiego i ich krytycznej ocenie dokonanej przez Wahiduddina Khana. Ponieważ polemika pomiędzy dwoma myślicielami może często być lekceważona jako inspirowana osobistym konfliktem lub pretensjami, artykuł nie ogranicza się do krytyki Mawududiego przez Kahna, ale również ocenia ją w świetle późniejszych badaczy.

EN

The article presents a critique of the political interpretation of Islam, proposed by the Indian thinker Malwana Wahiduddin Khan. The question of the place of politics in Islam has become enormous especially in the face of the extremist actions of militant Islamists: do such actions fit into a particular reading of Islam that springs from a certain understanding of religion, or do they pursue the main purpose of the religion? Is the establishment of an Islamic political order the primary task of every Muslim? This kind of question comes naturally to anyone concerned about the terrorist activities of militant Islamists. Since they are trying to justify their actions with a particular interpretation of Islam, it is necessary to present a narrative in opposition to theirs interpretation, and to show that such persons, who are far from a sincere adherence to Islam, are guilty of a serious misinterpretation of it. The article serves this purpose by presenting Mawlana Wahiduddin Khan’s critique of political Islam. By the term „political Islam” is meant a particular interpretation of the religion of Islam that sees the faith mainly in socio-political terms. Khan’s criticism is one of the earliest intellectual objections to this understanding of Islam. Although many thinkers have contributed to the theory of political Islam, the article focuses only on the writings of the Indo-Pakistani scholar Mawlana Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi and their critical assessment by Wahiduddin Khan. Since the polemic between two thinkers can often be dismissed as inspired by personal conflict or pretension, the article is not limited to Kahn’s criticism of Mawududi, but also assesses it in the light of later scholars.

19

Země nového štěstí?: české hledání v „kalném proudu“ (1918–1945/48)

51%

Hlaváček P.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2020

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vol. 27

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issue 3-4

525-537

EN

The author’s essayistic text outlines contours of spiritual streams which were looking for alternatives to Czechoslovakia’s democratic, capitalist and republican system and its orientation to the West between the establishment of Czechoslovakia in 1918 and the advent of the Communist regime in 1948. He states that there were continuous voices which regarded Masaryk’s Czechoslovakia as a mere intermezzo and an unsatisfactory answer to the “Czech question”, although the unexpected restoration of the Czech independence in the form of a state shared with Slovaks enjoyed support of a clear majority of both nations and their elites. In this respect, the author speaks about “murky waters” or a “declination discourse”, which included voices demanding a breakup with the West and a revolutionary or authoritarian solution. Attractive models included Soviet Russia (for strong radical left-wingers), Fascist Italy, Catholic orthodoxy and, last but not least, Nazi Germany (for conservative or Fascist right- -wingers). After the demise of the First Republic, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia was a temporary victory for those who professed the German “New Europe”; after the liberation, the Third Republic brought closer a socialist perspective which turned into a Soviet protectorate after the Communist coup in 1948. The author presents opinions and texts of some intellectuals critical toward the liberal democratic system, among them prominent personalities including Communist journalist Julius Fučík (1903–1943), collaborationist journalist and Protectorate government minister Emanuel Moravec (1893–1945), theologist Josef Lukl Hromádka (1889–1969), politician Hubert Ripka (1895–1958), or President Edvard Beneš (1884–1948), the principal democratic guarantor of the post-war alliance with Stalin’s dictatorship.

CS

Autor v tomto esejistickém textu načrtává kontury duchovních proudů, které v době od vzniku Československa v roce 1918 do nastolení komunistického režimu v roce 1948 hledaly alternativy k jeho demokratickému, kapitalistickému a republikánskému zřízení a jeho západní orientaci. Konstatuje, že ačkoli se nečekané obnovení české samostatnosti v podobě společného státu se Slováky těšilo podpoře jasné většiny příslušníků obou těchto národů i jejich elit, neustále zaznívaly hlasy, které masarykovské Československo pokládaly na pouhé intermezzo a neuspokojivou odpověď na „českou otázku“. V tomto smyslu autor hovoří o „kalném proudu“ či „deklinačním diskurzu“, jehož součástí bylo volání po rozchodu se Západem a po revolučním či autoritářském řešení. Jako přitažlivé vzory se tu nabízelo především sovětské Rusko pro silnou radikální levici, dále fašistická Itálie, katolická ortodoxie a nakonec nacistické Německo pro konzervativní či fašistickou pravici. Po zániku první republiky Protektorát Čechy a Morava znamenal dočasné vítězství pro vyznavače německé „Nové Evropy“, po osvobození třetí republika přiblížila socialistickou perspektivu, která se po komunistickém převratu změnila v sovětský protektorát. Autor přibližuje názory a texty některých intelektuálů kritických vůči systému liberální demokracie, mezi nimiž ze známých osobností nechybějí například komunistický novinář Julius Fučík (1903–1943), kolaborantský novinář a protektorátní ministr Emanuel Moravec (1893–1945), teolog Josef Lukl Hromádka (1889–1969), politik Hubert Ripka (1895–1958) nebo prezident Edvard Beneš (1884–1948) jako hlavní demokratický garant poválečného spojenectví se Stalinovou diktaturou.

20

Sbližování Itálie a Německa ve druhé polovině třicátých let a Hitlerova návštěva Říma na jaře 1938

51%

Šmíd M.

Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century

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2014

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vol. 6

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issue 1

140-153

EN

This study presents an analysis of German-Italian relations in the time before World War II. It traces their diplomatic relations following the conclusion of the so-called Rome Protocols of 1934 via signing the treaty on the Berlin-Rome Axis (1936) towards the occupation of Austria in 1938 to analyze the difficult position of Vienna during those dramatic years. At the same time, it reveals to what extent the Austria of Dollfuss and Schuschnigg became political putty in the hands of Germany and Italy, and how Benito Mussolini was getting more and more willing to exchange his close links with Vienna for an alliance with Berlin, and thus shift his interest from Central-European politics towards the Mediterranean. The study also deals with one significant detail in Italian-German relations, namely with the arrival of Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the German Reich, in Rome in May 1938, and with a reflection on fascist elites› attitudes as well as those of the Vatican towards his person. It also examines what the relations between him and the Holy Father were, and explains why he failed to meet Pope Pius XI in Rome, and what stand the Pope took on that occasion.

CS

Tato studie je analýzou německo‑ italských vztahů v období před druhou světovou válkou. Sleduje jejich diplomatické vztahy od uzavření tzv. římských protokolů v roce 1934 přes podepsání Osy Berlín‑ Řím (1936) k anšlusu Rakouska v roce 1938, aby analyzovala složité postavení Vídně v těchto dramatických letech. Současně odhaluje, nakolik se Dollfussovo a Schuschniggovo Rakousko stalo mocenskou hříčkou v rukou Německa a Itálie a jak byl Benito Mussolini postupně ochotnější vyměnit své úzké vazby k Vídni za spojenectví s Berlínem a přesunout svůj zájem ze středoevropské k středomořské politice. Studie se současně zabývá významným detailem z italsko‑ německých vztahů, a to příjezdem říšského kancléře Adolfa Hitlera do Říma v květnu 1938 a reflexí postojů jak fašistických elit, tak vatikánských špiček k jeho osobě. Analyzuje, jaké vztahy mezi ním a Svatým otcem panovaly a vysvětluje, proč nedošlo v Římě ke schůzce se Svatým otcem Piem XI. a jaký postoj papež při této příležitosti zaujal.

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