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Czech Refugee Trust Fund a československá emigrace. Část 1. Geneze a finanční zabezpečení

100%
Kuklik J., Cechurova J.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2007
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vol. 14
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issue 1
9-43
EN
This is the first part of a two-part article on the creation and financing of the Czech Refugee Trust Fund. The article considers the state of affairs that emerged after the Munich Agreement of September 1938: the break-up of the Republic of Czechoslovakia, the accession of parts of Czechoslovakia to Hitler's Germany, the creation of the short lived Czecho-Slovakia (or Second Republic), and the great number of refugees fleeing the country. The most important prerequisite for the creation of the Czech Refugee Trust Fund, which was active in Great Britain throughout the Second World War and, in fact, all the way into the 1970s, was the provision of Anglo-French loans for the reconstruction of post-Munich-Agreement Czecho-Slovakia in January 1939, and, in particular, the L4 million British grant in support of refugees. The primary recipients of British support were, as intended, ethnic Germans (particularly Social Democrats and other opponents of Nazism) and Jews, who sought to escape the Second Republic and whose emigration to British dominions and Palestine was supported by Great Britain. By the time the rump Czechoslovakia was occupied by Germany (15 March 1939), however, only part of the loan had been used. Moreover, a problem arose with the support of Czech (and also Slovak) émigrés on British territory. These difficulties were surmounted by the creation of the Czech Refugee Trust Fund, to which the remaining funds from the British grant were finally transferred in January 1940, and then used to support refugees. The means of support and the actual work of the Fund are analyzed in greater detail by the authors in Part Two of their article, which will be published in a future issue of Soudobé dějiny.
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Prawo rzymskie w wybranych orzeczeniach Izby Lordów w latach 1999-2009

100%
Korporowicz Ł. J.
Z Dziejów Prawa
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2011
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vol. 4(12)
283-293
EN
The studies conducted so far proved that the House of Lords, executing judicial rights which have been granted till the end of September 2009, referred to the heritage of the Roman law many times. However, against a common opinion, the very practice was not only known in the past, but the low lords used Roman law in their judgments also recently. It is possible to find many references to Roman Law heritage in the judgments given by the Appellate Committee in the last decade. The role of the very practice is proven by the fact that a part of these judgments turned out to be precedents judgments which are currently regularly quoted in English textbooks of law. Such a role is especially played by the following judgments: the judgment from 15 July 1999 concerning Commissioners of Police for the Metropolis v. Reeves treating about the duty of care by the police, the judgment from 18 May 2000 concerning Foskett v. McKeown, which defined a mutual relation of the regulations on an unjustified enrichment and claims deriving from the law of property, the judgment from 20 June 2002 concerning Fairchild v. Glenhaven Funeral Services Ltd., the subject of which was a definition of the principles of employer’s liability for a long-term exposure of employees’ life, the judgment from 13 November 2003 concerning Regina v. City of Sunderland treating about the laws of the citizens of a given place to make use of the so called “town green area”, the judgment from 30 June 2005 concerning Mark v. Mark which had to define the reasons of the choice of the place of living (a domicle) with respect to an illegal stay of a given person in the United Kingdom, and the judgment from 17 October 2007 concerning Moncrieff v. Jameson regarding the servitude right of access.
3

Mocarstwa anglosaskie wobec sprawy Katynia 1943–1946

100%
Mazur G.
Sensus Historiae. Studia interdyscyplinarne
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2013
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issue 1(10)
147-164
EN
Making an announcement of uncovering mass tombs of Polish officers in Katyn by Germans 13 April 1943 had one fundamental purpose: to cause as the greatest dissonances in the anti-Nazi coalition, to lead to the crisis in relationships between Anglo-Saxons and the USSR. Germany left Anglo-Saxons in a difficult position into this way, but not looking at oneself for business of Poland, independently of, how they were in coalition defined, two principal powers of the Large Coalition, Great Britain and the USA, weren’t going to disrupt further leading the war with the III Crowd in no way. The matter of the Katyn felony could not influence in that time for her run. In rich literature about the Katyn felony and her results the issue of the attitude of the great powers to this matter already waited until broad elaboration, we will try here above all for reminding and tidying up facts, in the majority already known.
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Anglosaska doktryna rozdziału władzy XIX wieku

100%
Małajny R. M.
Z Dziejów Prawa
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2011
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vol. 4(12)
89-109
EN
According to a stereotypical opinion the theory of power division starts from Montesquieu, leads to Montesquieu and finishes with Montesquieu. Meanwhile you could not be more wrong — no element of the previous statement is true. The evidence constitutes even the very article concerning less-known adepts of this theory writing in Great Britain and the United States two centuries ago. One of them was John Taylor (1753—1824) from Virginia, a senator and one of the leaders of anti-federalists, belonging to the most influential American political writers of the 1th century. His main work is (An Inquiry into the Principles and Policy of the Government of the United States) from 1814. The author also discusses relevant opinions of the representatives of the British radical movement, the most well-known representatives of which were David Williams and John Cart- wright. The former is the author of Letters on Political Liberty from 182 and Lectures on Po- litical Principles published 7 years later. The latter, on the other hand, wrote (An Appeal on the Subject of the English Constitution) from 1791 and a treatise The English Constitution produced and Illustrated from 1823. Other political writers, the opinions of whom within the theory of power division are discusses here, are among others Jeremy Bentham (1784—1832), the author of among others A General View of a Complete Code of Laws from 1802 and Constitutional Code from 1827— 1830. Also, the opinions of American progressivists such as Woodrow Wilson, Herbert Croly, Gamaliel Bradford and Frank Goodnow were noted down. The biggest response was evoked by a small work written by the first of them (1856—1924) entitled Congressional Government in the United States from 1885.
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R. W. Seton Watson a Bulhaři, 1912-1919. (Příspěvek ke vztahům Velké Británie a Bulharska v letech 1912-1919)

100%
Rychlik J., Marzik T. D.
Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)
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2005
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vol. 30
167-226
EN
The Scottish historian and publicist Robert William Seton-Watson (1879 -1951) was only peripherally interested in the Bulgarians. He visited Bulgaria for the first time at the beginning of June 1913. The second time he visited Sofia in January 1915. The purpose of this trip was to gain Bulgaria's adherence to the Entente, or, at the least, to secure Bulgaria's benevolent neutrality. In the Serbo-Bulgarian conflict over Macedonia and in the Bulgarian-Romanian conflict over southern Dobrudja, Seton-Watson was on the Serbian and Romanian sides. During World War I he also resolutely opposed attempts to conclude a separate peace between Great Britain and Bulgaria. On the other hand, in the territorial conflict between Bulgaria and Greece Seton-Watson expressed understanding for some of Bulgaria's claims, particularly in the case of Bulgaria's claim for access to the Aegean Sea. The following study includes documents as well as a few of Seton-Watson's published articles concerning his relationship with Bulgaria from the papers of Seton-Watson in the archives of the School of Slavonic and East European Studies of the University of London.
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Foreign Office, britské vyslanectví v Praze a sudetoněmecká otázka v roce 1936

88%
Novotný L.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2011
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vol. 19
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issue 2
149-182
EN
At the end of World War I and in the 1920's, Great Britain and its Foreign Office had a rather optimistic view of relations between Czechs and Germans in Czechoslovakia. The situation only changed in the following decade. The British Foreign Office began increasingly lean toward the opinion that the successor states, including Czechoslovakia, did not contribute to the establishment of peace and stability in Central Europe. Reports from the British legation in Prague, mostly marked by their Germanophile orientation and negative perspective on the Czechoslovak government's policy toward the German minority, played an important role in the Foreign Office's perception of the Sudeten German issue. Adolf Hitler's accession to power in 1933 did not change London's efforts to achieve agreement with Berlin. However, according to the responsible British politicians, a more permanent reconciliation with Germany was only possible if some injustices done, in Britain's view, after 1918 were remedied. With respect to Central Europe, this meant an increased interest by the Foreign Office in ethnic situation in the Czechoslovak Republic, particularly after the formation of the Sudeten German Party in April 1935. The perception of the Sudeten German issue by the British legacy in Prague was clearly unfavourable for the Czechoslovak Republic in 1936. In terms of a wider context of British foreign policy, agreement with Berlin became one of the basic foreign political axioms in 1936, especially after German occupation of the Rhineland in March. At the end of 1936, leading representatives of the British Foreign Office came to the conclusion that the key to solve the German-Czech argument was an agreement between Sudeten Germans and the Czechoslovak government. In their opinion, a path to such an agreement had to be grounded in a pressure on Prague to accommodate the German minority. The Foreign Office was afraid that Sudeten Germans would otherwise radicalize in their effort to join Germany, which would consequently threaten peaceful arrangement in Central Europe. British politicians thus convinced themselves that the situation could only be saved by a positive approach to the German minority.
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POLITICAL TRANSFERS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND AUSTRIA-HUNGARY BEFORE THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND NATIONAL QUESTION – DRAFT

88%
Daniš V., Ježík J.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2014
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vol. 7
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issue 2
51 – 61
EN
The paper analyses the British foreign policy towards the Austria-Hungary from the beginning of 20th century until the First World War (next WW I) 1 on a background of the whole world political context. Its goals are to define main characteristics of the policy, particularly toward the solution of national problems in the Habsburg monarchy. Britain at the period was interested first of all for preservation of its own colonial empire across the world, so that Europe did not belong between its priorities. Therefore Britain applied a non-active foreign policy towards European countries including the Austria-Hungary and its ally – expanding Germany. Moreover, therefore a liberal party in power in Britain, who tried to avoid wars and played the role of a peace-maker. However, crisis in South Europe and Balkan wars rapid changed the British foreign policy that became more active towards the Habsburg monarchy. The authors also analysed whether Britain was interested for solution of national problems in the Austria-Hungary, including effort of Slovaks for the independence, which was similarly as Britain a conglomerate of many nations. Britain was not very keen to find solution of these problems because it was a similar multinational empire with own troubles. Overcautious British foreign policy towards Europe on the contrary provoked at some intellectuals in Britain, such as R.W. Seton-Watson and Wickham Steed that are interested for solution of the national problem. They presented in the press articles their own proposals for foreign policy. According to them if the British government more supported national question it could help the Austria-Hungary to become more powerful and stabile Central European power and the barrier of German expansion.
8
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Velká Británie a konference v Locarnu 1925

88%
Novotny L.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2010
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vol. 18
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issue 2
23-49
EN
The Locarno Conference was held in October, 1925 and the participating parties (Great Britain, France, Belgium, Italy, and Germany) discussed there primarily the question of Germany's western border guarantees. Less attention was paid to the eastern border of Germany, and to that purpose, Poland and Czechoslovakia were also invited to attend the last part of the meeting. The Conference was a success particularly of Great Britain and Germany. The agreement of Berlin, Paris and Brussels confirming the status quo on the Rhine and the promise to admit Germany to the League of Nations meant the recognition of London's role of arbitrator in European maters. On the other hand, Berlin obtained primarily guarantees of Germany's western borders. France failed to be too successful. The equal position of Germany, ostracized until that time, weakened the political position of France as international power and its efforts aimed at making Great Britain more active east of the Rhine failed.
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OTEVÍRÁNÍ SE VEŘEJNOSTI NEBO „NOVÁ ORTODOXIE“?

75%
Dolák J.
Muzeológia a kultúrne dedičstvo
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2017
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vol. 5
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issue 1
137 – 145
EN
This paper introduces the anthology „Museums for the People?“ which contains a provocative and controversial essay by Josie Appleton and replies by other scholars. Appleton argues that museums find themselves between the Scylla of right-wing economic principles and the Charybda of cultural leftism. The present author critically engages with Appleton‘s arguments, highlighting her positive contribution, but disagreeing with her conclusions. Finally, the museum landscape of Great Britain is compared to and contrasted with that of Central Europe.
10
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POSTOJ A VZTAH AUSTRÁLIE A KANADY VŮČI COMMONWEALTH REALMS

75%
Voltrová H.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 2
69 – 84
EN
The aim of this paper is to compare the attitude of Australia and Canada to Commonwealth Realms and (British) monarchy. Commonwealth Realms is unofficial group consisting of 16 states which share Queen Elisabeth II. as their Head of State. Even though it is very difficult to identify the exact attitudes of citizens and politicians to this political arrangement in the countries mentioned above, it is possible to observe at least some tendencies. The question of republicanism is very closely related to this topic. Therefore, it is included as a part of the analysis in the presented text.
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PROMĚNY A KONSTANTY KULTURNÍ DIPLOMACIE NĚMECKA A RAKOUSKA V 60. A 70. LETECH 20. STOLETÍ VE SROVNÁNÍ SE ZEMĚMI ZÁPADNÍ EVROPY A USA

75%
Baštová P.
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2014
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vol. 62
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issue 2
275 – 302
EN
The cultural diplomacy of the Federal Republic of Germany underwent a period of great progress and fundamental changes during the 1960s and 1970s. This study analyses whether such a development was specific to Western Germany or whether it also occurred in other countries. A synchronic asymmetric historical comparison of cultural diplomacy is presented, comparing the FRG with other countries of the West, namely France, the USA, Great Britain, Italy and Austria, covering its chronological development, basic principles and its thematic and geographical priorities. The results show that the socio-historical factors, rather than international relations and transfers between nations, were considerably more influential for the development of cultural diplomacy in the Euro-Atlantic space in the 1960s and 1970s.
12
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„To są takie siłaczki”. Aktywizm obywatelski migrantek na przykładzie polskich szkół uzupełniających

63%
Małek A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2019
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vol. 45
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issue 4 (174)
101–117
PL
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie zaangażowania migrantek w polskich szkołach uzupełniających w Wielkiej Brytanii i we Włoszech w kontekście aktywizmu obywatelskiego. Rosnąca liczba polskich szkół uzupełniających w różnych krajach osiedlenia polskich migrantów stanowi przykład skutecznych form współdziałania na rzecz innych i potencjalnego źródła dalszej mobilizacji i aktywizacji obywatelskiej. Szczególną rolę w tworzeniu i funkcjonowaniu szkół odgrywają kobiety. Podejmują pracę dydaktyczną, wchodzą w skład zarządu szkół i rad rodzicielskich, pozyskują fundusze na działalność szkoły, są odpowiedzialne za sprawy administracyjne, współpracują z innymi organizacjami. Migrantki nie tylko skutecznie potrafią wykorzystać posiadany kapitał kulturowy, ale nieustannie go rozwijają. Artykuł ma charakter analityczno-empiryczny i opiera się na wywiadach częściowo ustrukturyzowanych przeprowadzonych w Wielkiej Brytanii i we Włoszech.
EN
The aim of the article is to discuss female migrants’ activities and voluntary work in Polish supplementary schools within the context of civic engagement. A growing number of Polish Saturday schools provide a good example of effective forms of cooperation for the benefit of others and represent a potential source of social participation and mobilization. Women play a significant role in setting up and running these schools. They work as teachers, occupy administrative positions, join Parent Councils, raise grant funds, cooperate with local authorities as well as with non-governmental organizations. Not only do female migrants efficiently use their social and cultural capital, but they also constantly increase their access to social networks and other forms of support. The paper stems from qualitative research conducted in the UK and Italy.
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BLAIRISM AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE HUNGARIAN REFORMS

63%
Tamas P.
Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)
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2007
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vol. 25
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issue 4
3467-392
EN
Presumably it would be too early to word more serious judgements about 'Blairism' as the arranged and exportable package of the renewal of the centre-left. No matter, however, whether Gordon Brown would continue Blair's programme without fail, or would tailor it more vigorously to fit his figure, it is worth studying it at this point. In addition we are particularly interested in it, for though the New Labour has had more or less influence on practically all the newer social democratic reformers of Europe, its imprint seems to be rather strong on Hungary. According to public opinion it derives decisively from the Hungarian Prime Minister's personal sympathies, but solutions thought to be 'Blairist' or at least resembling it could be in principle deducted to some extent also from the structure of the tasks of reform. And though Blair's philosophy was less explicit, in its means his governance was pragmatically remarkably well arranged throughout three cycles, therefore it may be worth considering the lessons of his governance in Budapest, too. The 'Third Way' programmes ultimately seem to be rather sociological than political projects. It is, however, indifferent from the point of our story. Giddens is right in that globalisation creates a new situation, either destroying or excessively dismantling the nation state or not. Considering the possibilities of political reforms currently seems to be more important than confronting the leaflets of the 'Third Way' from the 90s with later events there (or here), in order to subsequently demonstrate that specific compromises and forced steps can easily overwrite soft theories. And hence there is nothing else in politics, but the moment.
14
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(Nie)dylematy tożsamościowe Polaków w Wielkiej Brytanii na przykładzie badań w hrabstwie Hertfordshire

63%
Kapinos S.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2018
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vol. 44
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issue 1 (167)
117–143
PL
Większość migrantów z Polski, którzy przebywają w Wielkiej Brytanii, długotrwałych, relatywnie dobrze wykształconych, młodych i posiadających przykre doświadczenia w kraju wysyłającym, radzi sobie w nowych okolicznościach społecznych i zawodowych całkiem dobrze. Co więcej, migranci wyrażają zadowolenie z powodu podjęcia decyzji o wyjeździe. To zupełnie nowa jakość w polskiej migracji. Z tego punktu widzenia, problematyka współczesnych migracji jest ważna i trudna do uchwycenia z powodu swojej odrębności w komparacjach do tradycyjnych form migracji. Kiedy ludzie migrują z jednego narodu czy kultury do odmiennych, zabierają ze sobą tożsamość. Egzystując w nowej kulturze, ich tożsamość kulturowa podlega zmianom. Zmieniać może się również ich poczucie przynależności. Autor stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie o to, jak przedstawia się tożsamość Polaków, zwykłych ludzi w nowym społeczno-kulturowym środowisku. Głównym przedmiotem badań jest próba zbadania związku między tożsamością społeczno-kulturową i migracją. W prezentowanej pracy autor stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jak prezentuje się tożsamość Polaków w Wielkiej Brytanii.
EN
Most migrants from Poland who live in Great Britain long-term, fairly well-educated, young and with bad experiences in their sending country can manage quite well professionally and socially in the new circumstances and are basically happy with the decision to have left the country of origin. This is a completely new quality in Polish migration, and therefore is important but diffi cult to grasp because of its distinctness as compared to traditional forms of migration. When people migrate from one nation or culture to another they carry their identity with them. On settling down in the new culture, their cultural identity is likely to change as well as their sense of belonging. In this paper the author attempts to identify the main characteristics of Polish migrants’ identity in their new surroundings. The main subject of the study is the relationship between socio-cultural identity and migration.
15

Emigracja poakcesyjna – element mozaiki postaw. Analiza społeczno-etyczna

63%
Hułas M.
Studia Socialia Cracoviensia
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2010
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issue 2(3)
153-163
EN
The present text is an attempt to describe the phenomenon of the mass emigration of Poles to Great Britain, whose particular increase took place after Poland’s accession to the European Union in May 2004. The material presented therein is a quality study z in the field of social ethics, in which conclusions are reached on the basis of the results of empirical research carried out by a few teams in various regions of Great Britain. An important role is fulfilled by the biographical factor which embraces a two-year work of the author among post-accession immigrants in Aberdeen (Scotland). The logic of the whole discourse is embedded around the problem of the identity of the people who have decided to emigrate in the recent years despite living and working within the European Union. Does such an ultimate decision as the decision to emigrate introduce any essential, new component in an immigrant’s hitherto identity; does it change anything in their identity? What is the immigrants’ reality perception perspective? How do they combine the immigrant present time with what constitutes their past? Last but not least, what defines post accession emigrants; can any common denominator be discerned?
16
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ZARADNI INDYWIDUALIŚCI CZY ANOMICZNI EGOIŚCI? STEREOTYPY I AUTOSTEREOTYPY POLSKICH MIGRANTÓW W WIELKIEJ BRYTANII W UJĘCIU ANTROPOLOGICZNYM

63%
Garapich M. P.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2016
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vol. 42
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issue 2 (160)
5-21
PL
W artykule podejmuję kwestię stereotypu z perspektywy antropologicznej jako narzędzia danej kultury w naznaczaniu rzeczywistości społecznej, będącego jednocześnie – co nie do końca zostaje uznane przez bardziej socjologiczne teorie stereotypu – wysoce plastycznym, kontekstualnym i zależnym od indywidualnych decyzji aktorów w danym polu władzy. Korzystając z inspirującej teorii stereotypu Zygmunta Benedyktowicza, w celu doprecyzowania wielorakich funkcji stereotypów, przyglądam się w artykule stereotypowi migranta polskiego w Wielkiej Brytanii. Stereotyp Polaków jako zaradnych, obrotnych i ciężko pracujących indywidualistów idzie w parze ze znaczeniowo podobnym, ale o skrajnie odmiennym zabarwieniu etycznym stereotypie Polaków jako nie potrafiących się zorganizować egoistów mających jedynie swój interes na względzie. Aby zrozumieć sens i społeczną funkcję tego stereotypu należy jednak – jak podkreśla Benedyktowicz – patrzeć nie na zawartość stereotypu i kogo on dotyczy, ale przede wszystkim na tego kto go wytwarza.
EN
In this article I look at stereotypes from an anthropological perspective which differs slightly from a sociological one in recognizing its plasticity, context of use and its dependence on social actors’ reproduction in a given field of power. Using an inspiring and refreshingtheory of stereotypes by Zygmunt Benedyktowicz, in order to decode their various meanings and functions I look at stereotypes around Polish migrants in Great Britain. Two similar in meaning but opposite in ethical valuation stereotypes operate there – one that sees Polish migrants and individualistic, opportunity driven, hardworking economic actors, another that treats them as egoistic, unable to organize and inward looking. In order to understand the meanings and functions of these we need to – as Benedyktowicz reminds us – look not at the content and the addressee of the stereotype but who actually produces them.
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