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1

Koncepcja Mitteleuropa – historyczne i współczesne uwarunkowania

100%

Tokarz G.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

|

issue 11

73-83

EN

The text discusses the German geopolitical concept called Mitteleuropa. The author characterized the ideas of German geographers and politicians: Partsch, List, Neumann. How did the Mitteleuropa idea evolve in Germany until the end of the 20th century – the beginning of the 21st century? The question of the validity of this concept in contemporary international politics has been analyzed. The economic and cultural context is discussed.

2

Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia we współczesnych rosyjskich koncepcjach geopolitycznych

100%

Bornio J.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

|

issue 11

85-108

EN

No doubt that the region of East-Central Europe is the field of interests of contemporary Russian geopolitics and is believed to be special influence zone for Kremlin decision makers. The article analysed the ideas of three main schools of contemporary Russian geopolitics, which are Atlanticism, Neo-Eurasianism and „Island-Russia”. Although each of them refers to the different image of Russia and its role in the international politics, they also have something in common i.e. reconstruction of the empire. Dmitri Trenin who represents the Atlanticism considers Russia as a part of the Western world, with whom it should establish the new international community. Aleksandr Dugin the most influential representative of Neo-Euroasianism believes that Russia should rebuild great Eurasian Empire, while Vadim Tsymbursky in his concept of „Island-Russia” want Russia to be separated from outer civilizations. The same applies to their geopolitical plans toward the region of East-Central Europe. Their ideas differ from each other, but still one may find convergent postulates. The most coherent among their concepts is a common perception of the subregion referred to by Trenin as the „new Eastern Europe”, which contains territory of today’s Belarus and Ukraine. Regardless of whether the researchers represent a liberal Atlanticism school or a realistic Neo-Eurasianism school, everyone agrees on the key importance of that territory for the Russian geopolitical identity. Tsymbursky also considers Belarus and left-blank Ukraine as the most important areas of the „western Limitrof”. It is worth noting that both Trenin and Dugin are ready to „give up sovereignty” over the territory of the Baltic States. Trenin accepts their westernization, while Dugin puts them into German influence zone to satisfy Berlin’s imperial ambitions. This may prove that regardless of preferred theoretical approach, Russians treat Ukraine and Belarus as an impassable for western influence border. Ideas of Russian geopoliticians to make use of the region may threaten East‑ Central European countries. This results from the treatment of this territory as an area that should be absorbed by the neighboring empires or be functioning as a buffer zone. East-Central Europe is an area of competition between the West and Russia for both Dugin and Tsymbursky. They wish the region not to be absorbed by the „core of Europe”. Only Trenin accepts sovereign choices of the nations from East-Central Europe and does not recognize their willingness to integrate with the western structures as a threat to Russia. One should bear in mind however that Atlanticism approach does not reflect Russian way of political thinking nowadays. Certainly, the ideas of Aleksander Dugin and Vadim Tsymbursky are much more influential, especially while referring them to the political activity of Kremlin as well as the Russian imagination of their country and its role in the global chessboard. Nevertheless, due to the high influence of Russian geopolitical doctrines on the political circles in Moscow, awareness of them – especially among the countries of the region – is more than required. Moreover, because of their strong correlation with the paradigm of realism, they may become a valuable material for analyzing the current and prospective activities of the Russian Federation and make possible to understand Russian geopolitical identity and its perception of the world.

3

Geopolitical position of Poland - from time of partitions to the independence

100%

Brudnicka J.

Securitologia

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2016

|

issue 1 (23)

87-102

EN

To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the To understand contemporary geopolitics, especially Polish geopolitics you have to refer to the history. Polish geopolitical philosophy has flourished in a crucial period in the history of the country - the time of the fall of the First Republic and partitions. Sketch of Polish geopolitics is well composed into the broader plan of European thought. This is not just a simpple analitycal exercise. Article contains the suggestion, that the events, experiences and geopolitical configurations may exhibit amazing repeatability.

4

Inicjatywa Trójmorza z perspektywy niemieckiej

100%

Dahl M.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

|

vol. 2

59-72

EN

The acquisition in 2015 of power in Poland by national-conservative party Law and Justice led to a change in priorities of Polish foreign policy. The Intermarium initiative understood as a closer cooperation of the eastern European Union states between the Baltic Sea, the Adriatic Sea and the Black Sea became a new instrument of Polish foreign policy. For historical reasons, the initiative of the Intermarium is associated with a similar concept, pushed through Poland in the 1920s, which was focused to create an alliance of Central European countries aimed at more effective protection against Russian expansion and German hegemony. In this context, the article aims to find the answer, how the Polish Intermarium initiative is a subject of public debate in Germany and how it affects foreign policy pursued by Germany.

5

The Rise of the Geopolitical Thinking in Asia: An Analysis of the “One Belt One Road” and the AIIB Policy of China from the Perspective of Taiwan

89%

Chih-Chung W.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

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2016

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vol. 3

|

issue 4(12)

197-225

PL

Wzrost władzy jest bardzo ważną kwestią w geopolityce, a polityka władzy jest ponadto głównym sposobem działania w geopolityce. Autor przeprowadza wstępną analizę tego, w jaki sposób Tajwan konfrontuje się z chińskim tworzeniem AIIB i tworzeniem strategii "Jeden pas w jedną stronę", a także strategią geopolityczną i strategicznym myśleniem, które reprezentował w regionie. W artykule przedstawiono dogłębny wgląd w chińską organizację AIIB wraz z jej rozważaniami i omówiono jej domyślne myślenie o interesach narodowych.

EN

The rise in power has been a very important issue in geopolitics, and power politics is, moreover, a major mode of operation in geopolitics. The Author conducts a preliminary analysis on how Taiwan confronts China’s setting up of the AIIB and forming of the “One Belt One Road” strategy as well as the geopolitical strategy and strategic thinking it has represented in the region. The article gives an in-depth insight into China’s setting up of the AIIB along with its considerations and discuss its implicit thinking of national interests.

6

Central Asia as a region in international relations

88%

Bharti S. S.

Reality of Politics

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2022

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issue 20

15-27

EN

‘Central Asia’ is a unique and diverse region of the world that landmass distinct from other regions and sedentary civilisation is one of the characteristics. The geography of this region is considered a controversial discourse among scholars in international relations and, Europeans prefer to call them ‘Central Eurasia’, but Asian scholars frequently used the term ‘Central Asia’. However, the history of Asia was not stable and similar in the past. In this regard, this article tries to find the status of the Central Asia in international relations from a historical to empirical discussion in academia. Through the discourse analysis applied here to trace scholars, historians, institutions, governments, and sociologists’ perspective how they treat ‘Central Asia’, whether it is a deeply profound ‘region’ or precise existence. The initial argument says that Central Asia is more significant due to the geostrategic point of view and attracts superpowers in the ground of diplomacy play.

7

The Role of Geopolitics in the Italian Risorgimento during the 1840s: An Introductory Survey

88%

Šedivý M.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2019

|

issue 1

25-37

EN

The article’s goal is to introduce the thesis that not only the constitutional and socio-economic agendas of states but also international affairs strongly influence the formation of various human communities and their political programmes, and that this interaction was often no less important than these other factors in the rise of 19th century nationalism. By combining the history of international politics, international law, social history and ethics the article reveals a completely new story of the Italians’ reception of and response to diplomatic affairs in the 1840s. At that time a considerable number of them felt that the heritage of the Congress of Vienna was being eroded and that the world was becoming increasingly insecure. This conviction was primarily caused by the abuse of power by the most powerful states at the expense of weaker ones in Europe as well as the former’s imperialist policies in more remote regions. The increasing mistrust in the great powers’ policies and in the stability of the whole structure of the post-Napoleonic states system gave rise to a conviction that the security of their own countries in the world where the rule of force dominated was to be best preserved by material strength, which also made the Italians more willing to accept whatsoever kind of political unity based upon the concept of nationality.

8

The Development of China’s Economic Cooperation in the Horn of Africa: Special Reference to the Belt and Road Initiative

88%

Bharti M. S.

African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies

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2022

|

issue 1

17-30

EN

The study deals with China’s trade and Economic cooperation in the Horn of Africa. This research aims to focus on infrastructural development in the region under China’s Belt and Road Initiative framework. Further, the central purpose of this research is to discuss Chinese investment in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Kenya and Somalia. The research uses a qualitative analysis approach to discuss the research problems and tries to find out core findings. The following question deals with this study, how does China expand its trade and investment in the Horn of Africa? To what extent has China developed ties with the Horn of African countries in the context of BRI projects? As a result, China has developed a strong stance in the Horn of Africa in the context of trade and investment. This study concludes that China has enormous challenges within these countries to manage interstate issues for security purposes that are necessary for the success of infrastructure development and other BRI-related projects.

9

Revival of the Silk Road legacy. Examining how China uses history to legitimize its ‹‹Belt and Road Initiative››

88%

Amarasinghe P.

Historia i Świat

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2023

|

vol. 12

379-396

EN

This article is an interdisciplinary inquiry into the usage of historical silk routes by the Chinese as a popular narrative for the modern BRI. While looking at the archaeological trace, the historiography and other dimensions, this article would unfold how the nostalgia on the ‘Silk Routes’ have been rejuvenated for an ambitious geopolitical project. Taking both land and maritime silk routes into the consideration, this paper would further consider the position of historical narratives for the geopolitical ambitions of the 21st century.

10

The EU Eastern Enlargement Policy Under the Pressure of Geopolitics. The Bulgarian Case (Russia's Little Brother)

75%

Veleva-Eftimova M.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2023

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vol. 27

|

issue 1

63-79

EN

The Bulgarian case is symptomatic of the susceptibility of the EU enlargement policy under geopolitical pressure. The aim of this text is to add arguments to the statement that the dynamic of Bulgaria's accession to the EU has been strongly influenced by external factors - mainly Yugoslavia's disintegration and the subsequential Kososvo crisis. This crisis brought up the issue of the huge Russian influence over Bulgarian politics and societies and, as a result, predetermined the perception of Bulgaria as a high security risk for EU. In this situation, Bulgaria was an object of de-securitisation by the EU's enlargement policy, but at the same time its main instrument, namely, the conditionality policy, was neglected. From this point of view, the Bulgarian case is important because: it illustrates the effects of this discrepancy to date; it is instructive in the context of EU enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans with huge Russian influence; and also in the context of the acceleration of the EU's eastern enlargement policy toward Ukraine and Moldova because of the pressure of the ongoing Russian military invasion. The opportunity for accelerating the pre-accession process under the influence of unpredicted external events created prerequisites for politicising the whole process, including the political use of the conditionality and the consequently unfinished preaccession preparation of the newcomers. The research task is fulfilled by a synthesis of primary and secondary sources organised around three main questions - Which external circumstances? Why? and, How? The results of a discourse analysis of interviews with key participants in Bulgaria's EU integration process are used as a starting point.

11

The New Game for Energy: Geopolitics of Central Asia

75%

Lakatos A.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2014

|

issue 1

140-154

EN

This paper is dealing with a complex issue of current geopolitics, the revival of the Great Game in Central Asia. For our analysis, we used some of the latest published sources concerning actions and strategies of all of the world’s current great powers and regional powers having strategic interests in states of Central Asia. The analysis is centered on two directions, first on strategic‑political dimension, especially in the mirror of conflicts within the Islam world and America’s war on terror. The second direction of research is focusing on economic problems, and is focused especially on the pipeline projects.

12

Konflikt zbrojny Rosji z Ukrainą i negocjacje pokojowe w Mińsku

75%

Stępniewski T.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2016

|

vol. 3

43-58

EN

When public protests broke out in Ukraine towards the end of 2013, it seemed that these were doomed to fail. The aftermath of Orange Revolution of 2004/2005 did not offer hope for a change of political situation in Ukraine. However, it turned out that the Euromaidan, as opposed to previous events associated with the Orange Revolution, led to a geopolitical shift in Ukraine and a broader change in international order in Europe. Russia annexed Crimea and the Donbas confl ict broke out. This essay analyses and discusses the Russo-Ukrainian armed conflict in light of peace talks conducted by the sides of the confl ict and international organizations, e.g. OSCE, involved in the process. The situation is further complicated by the fact that the peace process has not been completed and war still rages on in south-eastern Ukraine despite the Minsk Agreements having been negotiated. Negotiation process itself was not of chief concern. Primarily, this paper demonstrates results of peace talks and indicates critical problems with the implementation of the agreements (Geneva, Minsk 1, and Minsk 2 agreements). It seems that, most probably, status quo will be maintained in Donbas, which is unfavorable to Ukraine, Donbas and Russia.

13

The geopolitics of territorial relativity. Poland seen by Rudolf Kjellén

75%

Lundén T.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 3

EN

Rudolf Kjellén (1864-1922) discusses the birth, death, and possible rebirth of the state as a 'living organism'. His concept of the nation, based on Renan, as a voluntary community is linked to the attainment of statehood. Poland is an example in this discussion, beginning in his book Stormakterna - The Great Powers - in 1905, with the nation under subjugation by three of these powers, continuing with his Staten som lifsform in 1916 where the possibility of rebirth is in sight, and finalized in 1920 in questioning the future of the world geopolitical order. His writings also include statements on the vulnerability of borders, the need for domestic autarky, and, on the problems of territorial autonomy, discussions of importance for the post-World War I geopolitical history of Poland; but these have mostly been neglected by post-World War II discourses. The aim of this article is to analyse how Poland's geopolitical situation is reflected in the viewpoints of Rudolf Kjellén against the background of the historical, spatial development of the Polish state and Polish ethnicity.

14

Wileński konserwatysta Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz jako geopolityczny gloryfikator idei jagiellońskiej

75%

Czernicki P.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2022

|

vol. 1

63–75

EN

The subject of this article is an attempt to reconstruct the Jagiellonian idea as a geopolitical concept promoted by the journalist of the Vilnius “Słowo” Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz. The article discusses the most important views and postulates of one of the most famous Polish conservative writers in the area of proclaiming the need to recreate the power position of Poland in the 20th century. The article emphasizes that, according to Mackiewicz, the multi-ethnic unification of the Polish-Lithuanian-Ruthenian lands by the most outstanding rulers of the Jagiellonian dynasty in Polish history was an unsurpassed model for the implementation of a brilliant geopolitical plan. The research demonstrates the basic aspects of the Jagiellonian idea according to Cat and the reasons for the reintegration of the nationalities living in the area of the former Crown and the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania as a real security against the superpower expansion by Germany and Russia.

15

GEOPOLITICS OF ENERGY VERSUS GEOENERGY OF POLITICS

75%

Ioannis Vidakis I., Georgios Baltos G., Janis Balodis J.

Sociālo Zinātņu Vēstnesis

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2017

|

issue 2

38-55

EN

This study focuses on the significance of energy resources, supply networks and security, recognizing their key role in the analysis and interpretation of national and international politics and economics. Furthermore, the pursuit of ensuring guaranteed availability of oil and natural gas in the desirable quantities is gradually expected to play a pivotal role in the foreign policies and priorities of all the countries on the planet, especially those of the “Great Powers” having increased dependence on hydrocarbons. Due to the consequent high stakes of energy security, governments and businesses are strategically required to focus on and cope with rivalries as well as partnerships on a national, multinational and global scale. This development has led authors to revise the assessments of “Geopolitics” and “Geoeconomics” and look for a successful substitute approach. In the paper authors continue to discuss about own proposed new term and concept of “Geoenergy” (Geoenergeia), justifying the added value of a respective approach. “Geoenergy” acknowledges the existence of international approaches, like “Geopolitics” and “Geoeconomics” do, and even more, it may essentially be a tool searching for the main causes behind political and economic decisions, which are usually triggered by long lasting conflicts around the control of scarce energy resources. Additionally, the approach “Geoenergy” emphasizes the energy power as a factor that contributes considerably to establishing the dominant countries and utilising their capacities over long historical periods in the world power system. The new approach “Geonergy” applies mainly when a “Great Power” has a deficit in energy resources and is energy-dependent.

16

Od Vídeňského kongresu k první světové válce: kontinuita versus diskontinuita dějin mezinárodních vztahů dlouhého 19. století

75%

Šedivý M.

Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century

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2018

|

vol. 10

|

issue 2

24-43

EN

The article asserts that it is very difficult to understand the development of relations between European countries and nations from 1815 to 1914 without an appreciation of the strong but hitherto overlooked perception of diplomatic affairs by people who, regardless of their nationality, political affiliation, gender or social status, desired stability and fairness in Europe generally acknowledged as a common security space. It introduces a new thesis that the 19th century witnessed an important but as yet unknown process whereby the abuse of power by stronger states in as well as outside Europe gradually eroded the Europeans’ faith in the international security ensured by treaties and launched their search for greater security in material force. This transition from institutionalism to realism in international affairs between 1815 and 1914 was an important outcome as well as factor of the decline of the European states system during one hundred years, a process that began in the first half of the century and later resulted in a widespread security dilemma. The rise of Realpolitik, nationalism, imperialism and colonialism for example, much like a more normative approach in the peace movement, must thus be seen as the components of a complex process beyond simply the actions of the governing elites: they resulted from the people’s deep interest in and response to supranational affairs.

17

Geopolitické koncepce a imperialismus v carském Rusku 19. století

75%

Bílek J.

Historica: revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy (Historica: Review in history and related sciences)

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2014

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vol. 5

|

issue 1

1-15

EN

According to some authors, the traditional geopolitics can be seen as a tool to legitimize the expansion of powerful states. Tsarist Russia was in the 19th century undoubtedly one such powerful state. This paper deals with the geopolitical ideas that originated in Russia before the 19th century and its aim is to analyze the ways in which the expansion of the state in the 19th century can be interpreted, using the ideas of geopolitics.

18

When Geopolitics Meets the Game Industry. A Study of Arabic Video Games and What They Teach Us

75%

Courmont B., Clement P.-A.

|

2014

|

vol. 29

|

issue 1

31-47

EN

Concomitant with its recent growth, politics have in several cases pervaded the video gaming industry (as in Americas Army by the US Army in 2003 or Special Force by the Hezbollah). Other games deserve closer scrutiny. This article focuses on Quraish, its Syrian developer Afkar Media, and on the reactions to its creation and diffusion. However, instead of being a simple tool of political manipulation, this game is part of a larger phenomenon: an endogenous set of statements from Arab societies about themselves, to themselves and the West. This article intends to demonstrate that popular objects can be used to make autonomous statements about society challenging both endogenous orthodoxy and exogenous Orientalism.

19

From the Adriatic to the Black Sea: The Italian economic and military expansion endeavour in the Balkan-Danube area

63%

Montagnoli C.

Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej

|

2019

|

vol. 8

117-137

PL

Po zakończeniu I wojny światowej region Adriatyku znalazł się w okresie głębokiego kryzysu gospodarczego z powodu pustki spowodowanej upadkiem Cesarstwa Austro-Węgierskiego. Dawne porty Habsburgów, które dostały się Włochom, straciły swoje naturalne zaplecze jako okna Europy Środkowej (Mitteleuropy) na Morze Śródziemne z powodu ustanowienia nowego porządku politycznego w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Rzym podjął zatem szereg działań ekonomicznych mających na celu poprawę włoskiego handlu w portach juliańskich, przede wszystkim w porcie w Trieście oraz zachęcenie włoskich przedsiębiorców do penetracji Bałkanów. Realizowane bez powodzenia działania mające na celu pobudzenie handlowe wschodniego wybrzeża Adriatyku, połączone z dalmatyńskim irredentyzmem, stało się powodem oczekiwań na interwencję wojskową, która nastąpiła w roku 1941. Włoscy geopolitycy, którzy wówczas rozwinęli właśnie tę dyscyplinę, uczynili obszar Adriatyku wraz z Bałkanami jednym z najczęściej dyskutowanych tematów. Faszystowski projekt geopolityczny miał na celu stworzenie włoskiego szlaku handlowego między Adriatykiem a Morzem Czarnym, ominięcie cieśnin tureckich oraz ekspansję z północy w kierunku Morza Śródziemnego nazistowskiej przestrzeni bałtycko-środkowoeuropejskiej. Rzym podjął próbę porozumienia się z innymi państwami naddunajskimi, które podpisały Pakt Trójstronny, aby stworzyć rodzaj obszaru współpracy gospodarczej pod przewodnictwem Włoch. Dlatego wschodnią granicę wpływów geopolitycznych Włoch wytyczono daleko od granic narodowych. Rzym planował objąć swoją kontrolą obszar aż do prawego brzegu Dunaju, dzieląc się z Berlinem jego częścią południową, składającą się z terytoriów historycznie traktowanych (i akceptujących to) jako niemiecką i rosyjską strefę interesów, którą Rzesza zamierzała zreorganizować po oczekiwanej klęsce Związku Radzieckiego. Kraje te, położone pomiędzy brzegami Mórz Bałtyckiego, Śródziemnego i Czarnego, zostały ponownie uwikłane w więzi geopolityczne narzucone przez interesy obcych krajów. Jednak projekty te pozostały jedynie na papierze, gdyż włoska inwazja na Jugosławię przerodziła się w porażkę i ujawniła słabość militarną Włoch. Rzym okazał się nie mieć wpływu na organizację powojennego Nowego Porządku. Włochy mogły marzyć o swojej potędze tylko na stronach czasopism.

EN

During the years that followed the end of the Great War, the Adriatic area found itself in a period of deep economic crisis due to the emptiness caused by the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The ancient Habsburg harbours, which had recently turned Italian, had lost their natural positions of Mitteleuropean economic outlets toward the Mediterranean due to the new political order of Central-Eastern Europe. Rome, then, attempted a series of economic manoeuvres aimed at improving Italian trade in the Julian harbours, first of all the port of Trieste, and at encouraging Italian entrepreneurial penetration in the Balkans. Resolved in a failure, the desire for commercial boost toward the oriental Adriatic shore coincided with the Dalmatian Irredentism and became a topic for claiming the 1941 military intervention across the Balkan peninsula. Italian geopoliticians, who had just developed the geopolitical discipline in Italy, made the Adriatic-Balkan area one of their most discussed topics. The fascist geopolitical project aimed at creating an economic aisle between the Adriatic and the Black Sea, in order to bypass the Turkish straits and become completion and outlet toward the Mediterranean of the Nazi Baltic-Mitteleuropean space in the north. Rome attempted the agreement with the other Danubian States, which subscribed the Tripartite Pact, in order to create a kind of economic cooperation area under the Italian lead. Therefore, the eastern Italian geopolitical border would have been traced farther from national limes. Rome would have projected his own interests as far as the Danubian right riverside, sharing with Berlin the southern part of that area consisting of territories historically comprehended (and contented) between German and Russian spheres of interest, which the Reich intended to reorganise after the alleged Soviet Union defeat. These Countries, framed by the Baltic, Mediterranean and Black See shores, found themselves entangled once more by geopolitical ties enforced by the interests of foreign Countries. However, these projects remained restricted to paper: the invasion of Yugoslavia turned into a failure and exposed Italy's military weakness; Rome proved to have no authority about the New Order organisation. Italy could dream up about its power only among magazines pages.

20

Geopolitical consequences of Rusophilism of Carpathian Rusyns

63%

Mazur P.

Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities

|

2017

|

issue 7

29–65

PL

Rusofilizm był alternatywą dla Rusinów Karpackich, w tym Łemków dla ukraińskiego nacjonalizmu. Zainteresowanie tą ideologią wykorzystała Rosja, dla której tereny zamieszkałe przez Rusinów miały znaczenie geopolityczne. Przychylność tej ludności mogła ułatwić opanowanie Europy Środkowej i zrealizować imperialne zamiary Rosji. Konsekwencje tego są widoczne do dziś i wykorzystywane choćby do destabilizacji sytuacji na Ukrainie.

EN

Rusophilism was an alternative for Carpathian Rusyns, including Lemkos, to Ukrainian nationalism. Russia used Interest in this ideology, for which the areas inhabited by Rusyns were geopolitically important. Positive attitude of this population could help to seize Central Europe and realize the imperial interests of Russia. e consequences are visible even today and are being used to destabilize the situation in Ukraine.

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Koncepcja Mitteleuropa – historyczne i współczesne uwarunkowania

Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia we współczesnych rosyjskich koncepcjach geopolitycznych

Geopolitical position of Poland - from time of partitions to the independence

Inicjatywa Trójmorza z perspektywy niemieckiej

The Rise of the Geopolitical Thinking in Asia: An Analysis of the “One Belt One Road” and the AIIB Policy of China from the Perspective of Taiwan

Central Asia as a region in international relations

The Role of Geopolitics in the Italian Risorgimento during the 1840s: An Introductory Survey

The Development of China’s Economic Cooperation in the Horn of Africa: Special Reference to the Belt and Road Initiative

Revival of the Silk Road legacy. Examining how China uses history to legitimize its ‹‹Belt and Road Initiative››

The EU Eastern Enlargement Policy Under the Pressure of Geopolitics. The Bulgarian Case (Russia's Little Brother)

The New Game for Energy: Geopolitics of Central Asia

Konflikt zbrojny Rosji z Ukrainą i negocjacje pokojowe w Mińsku

The geopolitics of territorial relativity. Poland seen by Rudolf Kjellén

Wileński konserwatysta Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz jako geopolityczny gloryfikator idei jagiellońskiej

GEOPOLITICS OF ENERGY VERSUS GEOENERGY OF POLITICS

Od Vídeňského kongresu k první světové válce: kontinuita versus diskontinuita dějin mezinárodních vztahů dlouhého 19. století

Geopolitické koncepce a imperialismus v carském Rusku 19. století

When Geopolitics Meets the Game Industry. A Study of Arabic Video Games and What They Teach Us

From the Adriatic to the Black Sea: The Italian economic and military expansion endeavour in the Balkan-Danube area

Geopolitical consequences of Rusophilism of Carpathian Rusyns