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EN
World War I brought radical changes in eating habits and possibilities in the rear. Both home and public catering adopted procedures saving time, raw materials and energy. Catering options also varied over the course of the four war years; in the first two less popular staples were used (tomatoes) or less popular in Czech cuisine (rice, corn, oats). In the cities, every piece of land was used to grow vegetables and rabbits were kept in the back yards. Consumption of sugar, meat and butter was drastically reduced. In the spring of 1916, the government introduced a rationing system that worsened the supply situation. Wartime cookbooks, which were published before 1916 and on which the study is based, became an inaccessible standard due to the rationing system.
EN
The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 was accompanied by mass enthusiasm. This wave of enthusiasm (Kriegsbegeisterung) was particularly high in Austro-Hungary. In the regions where the German population was significantly large crowds thronged the streets singing patriotic songs such as “Wacht am Rhein”, “Heil Dir im Siegeskranz”, “The Radecky Marsch”, “Prince Eugene Marsch”. They also arranged tributes in front of monuments, state buildings and military headquarters. Despite the fact that the operation to mobilise the Czech military went smoothly the German public noticed the lack of enthusiasm amidst the Czech soldiers and consequently the Czechs were seen as indifferent and even hostile. There was an attempt to promote demonstrations in Prague as an expression of Czech-German reconciliation. However as these were organised by the German minority in Prague the Czechs continued in their lack of fervour and viewed the war as a German one rather than Czech.
PL
Punktem wyjścia artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że w Polsce – podobnie jak w innych krajach na wschód od granicy polsko-niemieckiej – pamięć o I wojnie światowej ukonstytuowała się inaczej niż w Europie Zachodniej, gdzie po dziś wojna ta jest uważana za katastrofę dziejową. Dla Polski koniec wojny oznaczał odzyskanie niepodległości po 123 latach niewoli. Wojna z Rosją, która wkrótce potem nastąpiła, zapisała się w zbiorowej świadomości Polaków znacznie mocniej. Autorka analizuje zachowane polskie filmy okresu niemego poświęcone Wielkiej Wojnie i wojnie polsko-bolszewickiej z punktu widzenia realizacji celów politycznych młodego państwa i umacniania mitu legionowego z Marszałkiem Piłsudskim jako bohaterem narodowym, w kontekście sporów o funkcje kulturowe kina.
EN
The starting point of the article is that in Poland – as in other countries in the east of the Polish-German border – the memory of World War I is constituted differently than in Western Europe, where the war is still considered to be a historical disaster. For Poland the end of the war meant the restoration of independence after 123 years of occupation. The war with Russia, which followed soon after, made a much greater mark in the collective consciousness of Polish society. The author analyses surviving Polish films from the silent film era depicting the Great War and the Polish-Soviet war from the point of view of the political objectives of the young state and strengthening the myth of Marshal Piłsudski as a national hero, in the context of disputes over cultural functions of cinema.
EN
The topic of military activities in the Przemysl Fortress during the Great War (First World War) still remains the subject of archival research. The article presents the current state of research on aviation activity of that time in the area of the Fortress. Theauthor presents his views on the basis of his research carried out in the Vienna Staatsarchiv-Kriegsarchiv, not exhausting the subject, however. This study is original and contributes a series of previously completely unknow facts to historical knowledge.
EN
After the outbreak of the Great War, a discussion on the role of the school system in the reconstruction of the independent Polish state started in the Warsaw-based Stowarzyszenie Techników Polskich (Association of Polish Technicians). The research on the contents of Przegląd Techniczny (Technical Review), which was a magazine published by that organization, shows that the editors saw the relationship between professional education and industrial development of the state, free from restrictions imposed by the invaders, and, as a result, published notes and articles to convince the society about the need to educate teenagers in occupational schools. Thus, they informed the readers on the operation of schools of that type and various initiatives and forms of technical education and improvement, most of all in Warsaw. They also presented their own projects in that area. Supporting the organization of the technical education system, they proposed three-year lower occupational schools for professional education of workmen, secondary schools educating “intelligent technicians adapted to the needs of the industry”, and higher technical schools conferring a title of the engineer on their graduates.
EN
Polish film life in the Eastern Borderlands of the former Republic of Poland is replete with numerous white spots. During World War One, however, activity was quite intense, as evidenced by book-length studies on Vilnius, Lviv and even Kiev. Minsk, the future capital of Belarus, also had its own film-related Polish culture. The article focuses on the functioning of Minsk cinemas and their repertoire, as well as the Polish accents associated with them, which repeatedly had a mobilizing and identitarian character around which the national community of this provincial city was organized. Minsk’s border status means its cinematographic ancestry can be claimed by various national cinematographies, including Russian and Belarusian, but the source query and resulting findings clearly indicate that in the years of the Great War, this center was most strongly associated with Polish culture
PL
With the opening of the twentieth century, the beneficial river of the avant-gardes seemed to flood the entire European continent in a happy contamination of national cultures, giving life to an authentic supranational koine of artists: it was sometimes fusion of forms, styles, environments, cultures, a salutary effort to rejuvenate languages. The particular attention of the Italian Futurists to the new national realities was among the factors of particular attraction to the movement for South Slavs whose representative was Josip (Sibe) Miličić, who called for cultural and political renewal of his country. His direct encounter with Marinetti and Boccioni seems to leave its mark on his poetry both structurally and thematically: in the collection from 1914, Miličić reveals a new sensibility and a new rhythm: in one of his war lyrics, the futurist suggestions materialize in his first onomatopoeic attempt, suitable to undermine the lyricism of the verse by intensifying the link between the phonic aspect and the meaning. Despite their common interventionism, the Great War found the Croat and the Italian Futurists on opposite political positions concerning the Dalmatian islands and the Italian expansionism on the Adriatic. The poet’s war experience lead him to a “mature” phase starting in the twenties with his first article-manifesto. At this time he was able to reprocess his own critical identity: affirming his deeply anti-materialist and anti-industrial spiritualism, his standpoints by then had become very distant from Marinetti’s insights.
Tourism
|
2013
|
vol. 23
|
issue 1
17-26
EN
Wars were and still are an intrinsic element in the history of mankind. They bring glory to the victorious, the bitterness of failure to the defeated, and always destruction and suffering to ordinary people, but at the same time they have had a great impact or even shaped the culture of societies. In many places all over the world, as well as in Poland, relics from wars, battlefields, fortifications and weapons are unique and an extraordinary attraction that might bring in tourists. This type of tourism is known as military heritage tourism. In Łódź and its vicinity there are many military sites that might potentially become an attraction. They are mostly related to the great but forgotten Battle of Łódź that took place during the Great War. However, are they attractive enough to create a tourism product?
Turyzm
|
2013
|
vol. 23
|
issue 1
17-26
EN
Wars were and still are an intrinsic element in the history of mankind. They bring glory to the victorious, the bitterness of failure to the defeated, and always destruction and suffering to ordinary people, but at the same time they have had a great impact or even shaped the culture of societies. In many places all over the world, as well as in Poland, relics from wars, battlefields, fortifications and weapons are unique and an extraordinary attraction that might bring in tourists. This type of tourism is known as military heritage tourism. In Łódź and its vicinity there are many military sites that might potentially become an attraction. They are mostly related to the great but forgotten Battle of Łódź that took place during the Great War. However, are they attractive enough to create a tourism product?
EN
The disintegration of the Habsburg monarchy was a hypothetical variant until the last year of war, when none of the war parties intended to completely destroy the monarchy. Although the internal conditions of the Habsburg Empire were tense, without the external forces, the decisions of the Western Allies, would not have been the decomposition of the empire. Czechoslovak and South Slav foreign actions were only a tool for destabilizing the Habsburg state, but they could not play a crucial role. The aim of this article is to outline the role of Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Ottokar von Czernin and his policy between years 1916– 1918, based on memories of straight participants and secondary literature. Since December 1916 to spring 1918, the Czernin political strategy went through the change, that has proved to be a fatal mistake. Czernin’s wrong attack on France in April 1918 brought Vienna definitively into a satellite position towards Berlin. That was the deciding moment for the Anglo-Saxon powers. The ghost of German Mitteleurope was the end of an old Europe. It was only in May 1918, when the funeral card of the ancient empire was printed.
DE
Der Große Krieg und sein Ergebnis in Mitteleuropa in Form des Zerfalls der Habsburgermonarchie ist immer noch ein dankbares historisches Thema. Die Zerstörung, die Auflösung, der Zerfall der dualistischen Monarchie war eine hypothetische Alternative bis zum letzten Kriegsjahr, als dann keine der Kriegsparteien die Absicht hatte, die Monarchie vollständig zu zerstören. Obwohl die inneren Bedingungen des Habsburgerreichs angespannt waren, wäre ohne äußere Kräfte, ohne die Entscheidung der westlichen Alliierten eine Auflösung des Reichs nicht möglich gewesen. Die tschechoslowakische und die südslawischen ausländischen Widerstandsbewegungen waren lediglich ein Instrument zur Destabilisierung des Habsburgerstaats, konnten jedoch nicht die Schlüsselrolle spielen. Bis zum Frühjahr 1918 mussten Masaryk und seine Mitarbeiter damit rechnen, dass sie nicht nach Hause zurückkehren. Dieser Text analysiert die Rolle des österreichisch-ungarischen Außenministers Ottokar von Czernin und seiner Politik in den Jahren 1916–1918, seine Bemühungen um Bewahrung der territorialen Integrität des Reichs in der Form ante bellum, um Aufrechterhaltung des Bündnisses mit Deutschland bei Beibehaltung der Unabhängigkeit der Monarchie und den Versuch, besser den Kriegskonflikt zu beenden als einen Separatfrieden zu schließen. Seine Politik scheiterte. Das offene Geständnis, dass Wien nicht zu einer selbstständigen Politik in der Lage ist, dass es nicht vermag, ein erträgliches Maß an Unabhängigkeit nicht nur gegenüber Berlin zu bewahren, sondern dass es auch in die Abhängigkeit von Budapest gerät, war für London und Washington ein großer Durchbruch. Paris und Rom hatten dies bereits vorher begriffen. Mit historischer Ironie wurde Czernin zu einem der wichtigsten Totengräber der Monarchie.
Linguaculture
|
2014
|
vol. 2014
|
issue 2
9-23
EN
For C. S. Lewis, the walks that he took each Eastertide with Owen Barfield, Walter O. Field, and Cecil Harwood epitomized friendship. Although they were distinctly unlike in personality and were not all interested in the same things, the four “cretaceous perambulators” shared core ideals and aspirations. Their writings evidence the wonderful strengths of their friendship.
12
63%
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2020
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vol. 52
|
issue 3
7-20
EN
Article is devoted to the scholarly achievement of one of the most outstanding Polish historians specialising in the political and social history of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, with particular emphasis put on the paths leading to the independence of Poland.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy dorobku naukowego jednego z najwybitniejszych polskich badaczy zajmujących się historią polityczną i społeczną przełomu XIX i XX w., ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem dróg wiodących do niepodległości Polski.
EN
The premise of this article is to remind and raise awareness of the great role that chaplains played on the fronts of the „Great War“. They served their pastoral ministry in difficult times, not only because of the threat of warfare, but also because of ideological obstacles. In C. K. Austro-Hungarian ministry, religious chaplains had a very high value. Religious elements were included in the text of the soldier’s oath. Chaplains in their sermons encouraged the soldiers to remain faithful to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Each regiment of the Habsburg army had its own chaplain. Overall, there were more than 4,000 military chaplains of all religions and faiths - among them 3500 Catholic chaplains.With the outbreak of war in imperial Germany, the German army invoked not only the young clergy, but also many elderly. In the Prussian army, which represented by far the largest part of the German army, it had 125 protestant chaplains. Their number increased in April 1915, to 372 people and by 1916 it reached 744 chaplains. They were supported by the voluntary parish ministers.In the anticlerical Third Republic of France chaplains were nominally assigned to each squadron, but in August 1914, there were only a hundred. In this situation, at the beginning of August 1914, the Ministry of War approved the nominations for chaplains "volunteers" who were employed in pastoral work on the front. In June of 1918, there was one chaplain for an average of 4000-5000 soldiers, which was insufficient to provide spiritual help. In addition to the Catholic chaplains on the front there were 19,000 priest soldiers, 4,000 seminarians and 7,000 religious novices. An unknown number of nuns, served in the hospitals. The effects of the French chaplains were excellent. Soldiers not close to the Church and religion started to approach God. In 1915 the number of soldiers taking communion and attending Masses increased.At the commencement of hostilities, there were 89 Anglican, 17 Catholic and 11 Presbyterian chaplains in the British Army. Only 12 of them were sent to France. The others were only able to serve in the country or overseas garrisons. Chief Chaplain of all the main Christian denominations was Dr. John Simms, an Irish Presbyterian. In 1915, about 45 000 Irish Catholics joined the British Army. They needed Catholic priests. They were finding such a service in the garrison towns, but they did not have it on the front. Irish hierarchy had no influence, as the military ministry was controlled by the Archbishop of Westminster. Irish soldiers used the ministry of Irish or non-Irish chaplains whoever were serving in a particular place. Austro-Hungary was during the war, the enemy of the British. This proved to be a problem for the Irish Catholics, because the Habsburg Empire was seen as an important European Catholic power. The presence of chaplains clearly affected the morale of the Irish soldiers. Unfortunately, the bishops did not always send their military service volunteers who were eligible for this task. Irish Chaplains were overworked. Some of the Irish chaplains were captured. They undertook activities in exchange for the release of their compatriots from POW camps. The Irish Catholic Church did not support the war effort in Britain, in the same way as the Church of Ireland, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland and even the Catholic Church in the rest of the UK. For various reasons, some Irish priests actively worked against the efforts of the war, which had a negative impact on the number of priests who volunteered as a chaplain in the British Army. Although Catholicism was the religion of the minority in the British Isles, War I reinforced their belief. In historiography, a lot of myths and misconceptions were accumulated relating to the British during World War I.The most damaging of these messages were that military chaplains lurked at the rear, while the soldiers fought and died in the trenches on the front.Many historians of the Great War emphasized the religiosity of the Italian soldiers. The army of the Kingdom of Sardinia functioned military chaplains, called "elemosinieri", but after 1866, due to the antagonism between the Church and the State, they were expelled from the army. In the face of Italy joining the Great War, the catholic Chief of Staff, General Luigi Cadorna restored religious service in the army. High Command facilitated the activities of chaplains in the belief that they would raise the soldiers’ spirts and discipline. Followers of the Waldensian Evangelical Church, Baptist Church and the Jewish had their own chaplains. Many chaplains served by the motives of sincere love were guided by the desire to proclaim the Gospel. Some of them remained in contact with the soldiers who fought, not wanting to remain in the comfort of hospitals. They often switched between the soldiers and their families. Chaplains were men of the Church, but they were also soldiers, who in moments of extreme danger during the fight went to the trenches to comfort the dying, and even in the event of the death of an officer to replace him in command. Many chaplains earned great respect and admiration from the ranks of combatants.
EN
This study contains a continuation of analyses of excavation survey results obtained by the Cracow Saltworks Museum in Wieliczka on multicultural archaeological site no. 8 in Zakrzów, township of Niepołomice (AZP 103-58/24). The analysis focuses on historical military items discovered in object 111, interpreted as a temporary shooter’s position. The items discovered there include shells of 7.62 x 540 mm calibre projectiles manufactured in the ammunition factory in Lugansk and suitable for loading of Mosin 1891 rifles, and iron stripper clips used to transport and carry the projectiles. The discovery corresponds to the history of fights that took place during World War I in the Cracow region in November and December 1914. The analysis of war materials discovered on site no. 8 in Zakrzów represents a piece of research into the rarely addressed topic of archaeological traces of the Great War and partly supplements our knowledge of the battles that took place in West Galicia during World War I.
PL
Artykuł stanowi dalszą część opracowania wyników badań wykopaliskowych prowadzonych przez Muzeum Żup Krakowskich Wieliczka w Wieliczce (MŻKW) na wielokulturowym stanowisku archeologicznym nr 8 w Zakrzowie, gm. Niepołomice (AZP 103-58/24). Analizie poddano zabytki militarne odkryte w obiekcie 111 interpretowanym jako prowizoryczne stanowisko strzeleckie. Znajdujące się w nim przedmioty to łuski pocisków kalibru 7,62 x 540 mm wytworzone w fabryce amunicji w Ługańsku, pasujące do karabinu wz. 1891 Mosin oraz żelazne „łódki” służące do transportu wspomnianych pocisków. Odkrycie to posiada odzwierciedlenie w historii walk toczonych w trakcie I wojny światowej w rejonie Krakowa w listopadzie i grudniu 1914 roku. Opracowanie materiałów wojennych ze stanowiska nr 8 w Zakrzowie stanowi element badań nad rzadko podejmowanym tematem archeologicznych śladów Wielkiej Wojny oraz pozwala na częściowe uzupełnienie stanu wiedzy o przebiegu walk w Zachodniej Galicji w czasie I wojny światowej
EN
The article presents the social and political face of Lviv during the First World War, based on the memoirs of Bohdan Janusz. The notes covering the initial period of the war from the perspective of a Polish-Ukrainian researcher of the culture and past of Lviv and Eastern Galicia present not only the strong emotional context of the described events, but also fully reflect the atmosphere in the city. The diversification of the transmission of the ego-documents, due to the social status of their author, allows a much closer look at the collective portrait of the inhabitants of Lviv.
PL
Artykuł zajmuje się prezentacją oblicza społeczno-politycznego Lwowa w okresie pierwszej wojny światowej na podstawie wspomnień Bohdana Janusza. Zapiski obejmujące początkowy okres wojny z perspektywy polsko-ukraińskiego badacza kultury i przeszłości Lwowa oraz Galicji Wschodniej przełożyły się nie tylko na silny kontekst emocjonalny opisywanych wydarzeń, ale także w pełni odzwierciedlają atmosferę panującą w mieście. Zróżnicowanie przekazu egodokumentów, ze względu na status społeczny ich autora, pozwala na znaczne przybliżenie portretu zbiorowego mieszkańców Lwowa.
PL
Legionistę i poetę Józefa Mączkę z perspektywy czasu śmiało można nazwać prorokiem wolności. Jego teksty nie tylko ukazywały realia życia żołnierskiego, upamiętniały sylwetki walczących o wolność, były hołdem złożonym poległym. Poeta – niczym romantyczny wieszcz – zapowiadał nadejście upragnionej wolności. Śmierć z dala od kraju, u progu niepodległości, a potem triumfalny powrót do wolnej już Polski budowały legendę poety. Dorobek literacki Mączki i jego żołnierska biografia wywarły wpływ na pokolenia Polski niepodległej. Wiersze recytowane w szkołach i na uroczystościach stawały się elementem patriotycznego wychowania. Całym swoim życiem oraz twórczością Mączka zaświadczał, że zasługuje na szacunek i pamięć.
EN
From a time perspective, Józef Mączka - a legionnaire and a poet - can safely be called a prophet of freedom. His texts not only showed the realities of soldier’s life but also commemorated the silhouettes of those fighting for freedom, as well as paid a tribute to the fallen ones. The poet - like a romantic bard - announced the arrival of the desired freedom. Mączka’s death abroad at the threshold of independence, and then his triumphant return to free Poland, built the legend of the poet. Mączka’s literary output and his military life influenced whole generations of independent Poland. Recited in schools and at festivities, they became an element of patriotic education. Both the life and work of Mączka prove that he deserves respect and memory.
Porównania
|
2015
|
vol. 16
103-124
EN
The aim of this paper is to present women’s personal narratives which offer an alternative picture of the First World War in Serbian literature. Literary historians have not focused on this problem so far, whereas it would greatly enrich the literary representation of the Great War to add female perception and illustrate this historical cataclysm with women’s everyday war experience. The literary material analyzed here is the work by Milica Jakovljević (better known under the pseudonym Mir Jam), the author of popular literature in the interwar period. This paper contains an analysis of her three works, each belonging to a different genre: the drama Tamo daleko (‘There, Far Away’), the novel U slovenačkim gorama (‘In Slovenian Mountains’) and the autobiography Izdanci Šumadije (‘Offsprings of Šumadija’). The key categories applied in the discussion of Milica Jakovljević’s work are: women’s literature (women’s thematic and narrative perspective, women’s authorship and female recipient), popular literature/culture, microhistory and cultural memory.
PL
Przedmiotem ba-dania w artykule są osobiste, alternatywne narracje kobiece o pierwszej wojnie światowej w literaturze serbskiej. Dotychczas historycy literatury nie zwrócili na nie uwagi, tymczasem wzbogacają one literackie reprezentacje o Wielkiej Wojnie, pokazując kobiecą percepcję i ilustru-jąc kataklizm ich doświadczeniem wojennej codzienności. Materiałem do analizy jest twórczość Milicy Jakovljević, piszącej pod pseudonimem literackim Mir Jam, autorki literatury popularnej w okresie międzywojennym. Analizie interpretacyjnej zostały poddane trzy gatunkowo odmienne teksty: dramat Tamo daleko (‘Tam daleko’), powieść U slovenačkim gorama (‘W górach Słowenii’) oraz autobiografia Izdanci Šumadije (‘Dzieci Szumadii’). Kluczowymi kategoriami, przez których pryzmat zostały utrwalone obrazy wojny, są u Milicy Jakovljević kategoria litera-tury kobiecej (kobieca perspektywa tematyczna i narracyjna, kobiece autorstwo i kobiecy od-biorca), kategoria literatury popularnej, a także kategoria mikrohistorii i pamięci kulturowej.
PL
Od początku 1919 r. do II Rzeczypospolitej, jak i do innych państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, zaczęły przybywać amerykańskie organizacje humanitarne, niosące pomoc materialną i żywnościową społeczeństwom dotkniętym skutkami wojny i epidemii chorób zakaźnych. Stowarzyszenia z USA, na czele z największą i najważniejszą z nich: Amerykańską Administracją Pomocy, skupiły się przede wszystkim na dożywianiu dzieci, mobilizując amerykańską opinię publiczną do przeznaczania środków finansowych na ten cel oraz przedstawiając sytuację niedożywionych najmłodszych z tej części Europy jako istotny problem społeczny. Starting from the early 1919, American humanitarian organizations began arriving in Poland, like in other states of Central Eastern Europe, with material and food assistance to societies devastated by the military conflict and epidemics of infectious diseases. American associations, with the largest and most important American Relief Administration in the lead, focused mainly on nourishing children, mobilizing American public opinion to raise money for this purpose, and presenting the situation of malnourished young children from this part of Europe as a grave social problem.
EN
In the second half of June 1918, right after introducing the 1st Polish Rifle Regiment into battlefield, several desertions to the enemy’s side occured. The command of the regiment’s attempt at clarifying the situation caused that the meaningless incident transformed into a serious conflict, dangerous for the cohesion of the Polish army created in France since August 1917 and also having wider political implications. This event alarmed the Polish National Committee – the institution established in August 1917, representing the Polish cause in the West. PNC questioned the steps taken by the military authorities; in view of the significance of the problem Roman Dmowski, president of the organization, himself took on the task of examining and clarifying the problem. The Central Military Archives contain a thorough, 22-page report that is the result of this action. A broader background of the events was constituted by the problems of organizational and political nature, causing that the accession to the emerging army turned out to be a disappointment for many volunteers – as well as the defeats of the allied armies in spring 1918. Moreover, the whole incident is interesting in the context of relations between civil authorities and the army: their different priorities, hierarchy of needs, and also sensitivity.
RU
Во второй половине июня 1918 г., непосредственно после введения в военные действия отрядов 1 Полка Польских Стрелков, в них произошло несколько инцидентов дезертирства. Попытка выяснить ситуацию, которую предприняло командование полка, привела к увеличению конфликта, создав угрозу слаженности польской армии, создаваемой во Франции с августа 1917 г. Этот конфликт возымел также и более широкие, политические, последствия. Это происшествие вызвало беспокойство Польского национального комитета (ПНК) – организации, образованной в августе 1917 г., представляющей польские дела на западе. Комитет поставил под сомнение шаги, предпринятые военным командованием, а исследование и выяснение ситуации, принимая во внимание ее значение, взял на себя Роман Дмовски, возглавлявший ПНК. В Центральном военном архиве хранится 22-страничный рапорт, являющийся результатом предпринятых действий. Более широкий контекст событий составляли проблемы организационного и политического характера, которые привели к разочарованию многих из тех, кто желал добровольно присоединиться к формирующейся армии (можно предположить, что это разочарование коснулось и поражения союзных войск весной 1918 г.). Кроме того, весь инцидент любопытен в контексте отношений между гражданской властью и армией – их различий в приоритетах и восприятии ситуации, а также в их иерархии потребностей.
PL
W drugiej połowie czerwca 1918 r., bezpośrednio po wprowadzeniu do walki jednostek 1 Pułku Strzelców Polskich, doszło w nim do kilku wypadków dezercji na stronę nieprzyjaciela. Próba wyjaśnienia sytuacji, podjęta przez dowództwo pułku, doprowadziła do przekształcenia się incydentu bez znaczenia w poważny konflikt groźny dla spoistości Armii Polskiej tworzonej we Francji od sierpnia 1917 r., a mający też i szersze implikacje polityczne. Wydarzenie to wywołało zaniepokojenie Komitetu Narodowego Polskiego – instytucji powstałej w sierpniu 1917 r., reprezentującej sprawę polską na Zachodzie. KNP zakwestionował kroki podjęte przez władze wojskowe; wobec zaś wagi problemu zadanie zbadania i wyjaśnienia sytuacji wziął na siebie sam jego prezes, Roman Dmowski. W zasobie CAW znajduje się obszerny, 22-stronicowy raport będący plonem podjętej akcji. Szersze tło wydarzeń stanowiły zaznaczające się problemy natury organizacyjnej oraz politycznej, za sprawą których akces do formującej się armii był dla wielu ochotników rozczarowaniem, obok – jak można przypuszczać – klęsk armii alianckich wiosną 1918 r. Poza tym cały incydent jest interesujący w kontekście relacji pomiędzy władzami cywilnymi a wojskiem: odmiennych priorytetów, hierarchii potrzeb i wrażliwości.
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