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EN
The article offers a first edition of a Christian funerary stela from northern Nubia, inscribed in Greek. The monument belongs to a small series of similar stelae from the collection of W. J. Bankes (1786–1855) and may date from about the seventh century. As a likely provenance, Kalabsha (ancient Talmis) is proposed.
EN
This article investigates the problem of the etymological connection between the Greek word óμείχω ‘to urinate’ and the agent noun μοιχός ‘adulterer’, the semantics of which has often been termed improbable. It is pointed out that the connection might be made more probable when analyzing the Latin data: the verb meiō, -ere ‘to urinate’ and its meaning in the Latin texts, which is not always restricted to ‘urinating’ but is also used as an obscene word meaning ‘to ejaculate’. We can then postulate that μοιχός was an agent noun of óμείχω in the meaning of ‘to ejaculate’ and this way as ‘adulterer’.
EN
The paper, the third part in the ‘Nubica onomastica miscellanea’ series, offers a number of corrections to the reading of names in written sources coming from all over Christian Nubia. The texts represent a variety of epigraphic and papyrological genres and were written in Greek, Coptic, and Old Nubian
Research in Language
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2014
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vol. 12
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issue 4
355-375
EN
The paper investigates the problems related to futurity and modality in modern Greek. The discussion of Greek temporal future expressions is conducted with reference to relevant literature from the areas of English linguistics, cognitive studies and pragmatics. The focus is on the status of future-oriented expressions and the question whether they are primarily epistemic in nature, whether they are tense-based, or modality-based. It is argued that the future tense in Greek has a modal semantic base conveying epistemic modality and that the preferred future prospective reading is a pragmatic development of the semantic modal base. The author further suggests that the future reading is a kind of presumptive meaning which follows from the neo-Gricean Principle of Informativeness, known as the I-principle (Levinson 2000) being a generalised interpretation which does not depend on contextual information.
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EN
The Greek text of Amos has been studied thus far primarily from the point of view of the textual criticism and of the correspondence of words and expressions between the Hebrew and Greek texts. The present article concentrates on the verbal forms (Greek tenses and aspects) used by the translator. The first reason is to determine his strategy in applying these grammatical tools. The second reason is to use this study to better understand the nature of his translation, since the Greek verbal forms used by the translator mainly pertain to the translation process, and only in a lesser degree to the Vorlage. The author argues that the way the translator uses the Greek tenses reveals his fairly solid understanding of the Hebrew verbal forms in his Vorlage, but also a certain degree of negligence within the context of the entire book, especially in terms of what follows.
PL
It might be thought that little new could be said about the Erechtheum, a building that has been studied in great detail over the centuries. And yet, there are still many uncertainties surrounding its purpose, not least the reason for the distinctive southern Caryatid porch. The date at which the Erechtheum was built is also uncertain. Not that one would realise this from current scholarship; it is still widely believed that construction began in 421 BC after the Peace of Nicias; then work was suspended and resumed in 408 BC. I had already argued against this position in 1985 (Vickers 1985), but even though there have been some valuable subsequent studies (e.g. King 1998; Shear 1999; Rubel 2000: 271–286; Lesk 2004;2007), I do not believe that my arguments have been satisfactorily met. I am grateful to my hosts in Gdansk for having provided the opportunity for another shot at the target, and for a restatement of the case that construction of the Erechtheum was only begun in 412 BC and that the Caryatid porch was intended to put current relations between Sparta and Persia in a bad light, in keeping with a tale told by Vitruvius.
EN
It might be thought that little new could be said about the Erechtheum, a building that has been studied in great detail over the centuries. And yet, there are still many uncertainties surrounding its purpose, not least the reason for the distinctive southern Caryatid porch. The date at which the Erechtheum was built is also uncertain. Not that one would realise this from current scholarship; it is still widely believed that construction began in 421 BC after the Peace of Nicias; then work was suspended and resumed in 408 BC. I had already argued against this position in 1985 (Vickers 1985), but even though there have been some valuable subsequent studies (e.g. King 1998; Shear 1999; Rubel 2000: 271–286; Lesk 2004;2007), I do not believe that my arguments have been satisfactorily met. I am grateful to my hosts in Gdansk for having provided the opportunity for another shot at the target, and for a restatement of the case that construction of the Erechtheum was only begun in 412 BC and that the Caryatid porch was intended to put current relations between Sparta and Persia in a bad light, in keeping with a tale told by Vitruvius.
Research in Language
|
2014
|
vol. 12
|
issue 4
355-375
EN
The paper investigates the problems related to futurity and modality in modern Greek. The discussion of Greek temporal future expressions is conducted with reference to relevant literature from the areas of English linguistics, cognitive studies and pragmatics. The focus is on the status of future-oriented expressions and the question whether they are primarily epistemic in nature, whether they are tense-based, or modality-based. It is argued that the future tense in Greek has a modal semantic base conveying epistemic modality and that the preferred future prospective reading is a pragmatic development of the semantic modal base. The author further suggests that the future reading is a kind of presumptive meaning which follows from the neo-Gricean Principle of Informativeness, known as the I-principle (Levinson 2000) being a generalised interpretation which does not depend on contextual information.
EN
Stanisław Stachowski’s “Beiträge zur Geschichte der griechischen Lehnwörter im Osmanisch-Türkischen”, published in Folia Orientalia 13 (1971 [1972]), 267-298, started a long series of historicallexicographical studies which the great Polish scholar devoted to foreign elements found in the Turkish Transkriptionstexte. Since then a number of scientific editions of these texts have however come out, particularly, in recent years, Filippo Argenti’s (1533), Pietro Ferraguto’s (1611) and Arcangelo Carradori’s (1650) very important handwritten lexicographical works, which had been but little or not at all known so far. As the aforementioned as well as other publications provide much material on the European loanwords in Ottoman-Turkish, which are mostly Graecisms, this paper aims to supplement Stachowski’s work both by adding data to original entries and presenting new words of Greek origin. It has to be pointed out that all the material comes from Transkriptionstexte dating from before Meninski’s Thesaurus (1680).
EN
The following paper aims to explore some Heraclitus’ fragments that could entail a personified conception of logos. The first part of the paper shows the analysis of the authentic sense of the Greek root ‘leg-’. In this part I followed philologists (among others Chantraine, Narecki) and philosopher Heidegger, who was a great adherent of understanding the original sources of Heraclitus’ philosophy. The closing part points to Heraclitus’ fragments in which the term “logos” is used.
EN
In this paper, the traditional Syriac Anaphora of St. James is described in its current form. Numerous Greek borrowings are present in the Syriac text of the Anaphora, testifying to the long-term contact of the Syriac language with the Greek. Some of the Greek words became known in Syriac before the Christian era, and they can be found in other dialects of Aramaic. Some were borrowed when the Assyrians embraced Christianity, and are kept traditionally alongside the Syriac words still used in the Liturgy. Some words were later incorporated into the Anaphora of St. James, who certainly had never used them.
EN
Marcellus of Side, a physician and didactic poet of the second century AD, mentions fourteen exclusive ichthyonyms in the preserved fragment De piscibus, extracted from the 42-volume epic poem entitled Cheironides. The author discusses Greek names of fish and sea animals that appear only in Marcellus’ work. They belong to the so-called hapax legomena. The following appellatives are carefully analyzed: ἁλιπλεύμων, ἅρπη, βούφθαλμος, βράχατος, γαρίσκος, γερῖνος, ἐρυθρός, θρανίας, θῦρος, κόλλουρος, περόνη, τραγίσκος, τυφλῖνος, χρύσοφος. It is assumed that Marcellus of Side introduced a number of ichthyonyms of Pamphylian origin, e.g. Pamph. θῦρος (< *θύρσος), βράχατος (instead of βάτραχος), ἐρυθρός (= ἐρυθρῖνος), θρανίας (instead of θράνις), χρύσοφος (instead of χρύσοφρυς). Also new identifications of fish are suggested, e.g. Gk. βούφθαλ- μος ‘large-eye dentex, Dentex macrophthalmus Bloch’, Gk. κόλλουρος ‘slender sunfish, Ranzania laevis Pennant’. All the discusssed ichthyonyms, as well as names of other sea animals, are explained from the point of view of phonology, morphology or semantics, e.g. ἁλιπλεύμων ‘jellyfish’ (literally ‘sea lung’), ἅρπη ‘a kind of ray fish’ (literally ‘a kite’).
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EN
Konrad Tadajczyk, Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak, Homary i homarce w świecie antycznym (European and Norway lobsters in the ancient world).The article describes the Greek and Latin names for ‘European lobster, Homarus gammarus L.’ and ‘Norway lobster, Nephrops norvegicus L.’. The present authors suggest that the European lobster was called λέων in Greek and leō in Latin. The Greek term ἀστακός (hence Lat. astacus) referred exclusively to the Norway lobster.
Studia Hercynia
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 1
111-126
EN
Central Asia absorbed the stimuli of shifting cultural influences and for many centuries created an original artistic expression, which can be observed in all branches of arts and crafts. One of these branches is jewellery production. Many pieces of jewellery were largely inspired by the culture of the ancient Mediterranean. The attention of the article is focused on the Central Asia jewellery finds, the production of jewellery and examples of the influence of ancient Greek jewellery of the Classical and Hellenistic period on the jewellery production in Central Asia from the points of view of technology (production and decoration processes), typology (types of jewellery) and iconography (frequently occurring themes as inspirations from the ancient mythology).
Studia Hercynia
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 1
19-26
EN
The paper presents an unpublished silver amphora with zoomorphic handles shaped as winged horses. It explores the entire class of similar metal amphorae with zoomorphic handles (including isolated handles) from the Achaemenid domain and its neighbouring areas, as well as their clay parallels, and their iconographic occurrences. Some possible Greek bronze parallels are also discussed. The vase weight is understood as following the Achaemenid monetary standard. Finally, the vase is attributed to a Lydian workshop and dated ca. 500 BC.
EN
The article studies the specific character of refrains of the kontakions in Church Slavonic and Greek akathists. In most akathists (in various languages), refrains in kontakions (except the first one) contain the expression “Alleluia”, but there are some Church Slavonic texts with other endings. On the other hand, there are several Greek akathists in which the endings of the first kontakions do not coincide with the refrains of the ikoses (unlike the Great Akathist and most of other akathists).
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EN
We investigate the morpho-syntax of three patterns of deadjectival nominals in German, Greek and Romanian. These nominals are suffix-based or zero-derived and present various crosslinguistic similarities and differences in terms of productivity, interpretation, and their choice of an argument-like genitive phrase. Suffix-based nominals (SNs) are productive and display the same morpho-syntactic properties in all languages — namely, they have a fully nominal internal syntax and realize a genitival argument. Zero-derived nominals present two different semantic instances: partitive bare nominals (PBNs) and quality bare nominals (QBNs). On the one hand, QBNs share the interpretation and the morpho-syntax of SNs in all languages, but have reduced productivity. On the other hand, PBNs are substantially more productive in German than in Greek and Romanian, a difference that associates with a strong contrast in the morpho-syntactic behavior of PBNs in the two language classes. We argue that this many-sided morpho-syntactic and semantic variation can be accounted for by the two word formation processes that Distributed Morphology makes available — word formation from roots and word formation from other words —, which successfully accommodate the correlation between the productivity and the morpho-syntactic properties of the different patterns of nominalizations.
EN
The biographical work on Philonides of Laodikeia on the Sea in Syria (P. Herc. 1044+1715+1746) is not merely a source of information about the life of the philosopher, it also bears witness to both well-known and lesser-known aspects of Hellenistic history and civilization, not to mention the fact that it is an extremely rare and precious example of Hellenistic biography. This paper presents a new edition of a passage of the text in which references to vocabulary and procedures of Greek manumission can be detected, which suggest a parallel with papyrological and epigraphic documentary sources. This parallelism allows, in turn, to understand better the text of the papyrus and to supplement a technical term referring to relatives’ consent to the manumission of slaves.
EN
This paper offers corrections and new readings to names found in eleven inscriptions originating from Faras. Inscriptions were discovered at different periods, ranging from the visit of Karl Richard Lepsius in 1844 to the rescue excavation by the Polish archaeological mission of Kazimierz Michałowski in 1961–1964. The material covers different types of sources (epitaphs, visitors’ inscriptions, subscriptions, and an owner’s inscription) in three languages (Greek, Coptic, and Old Nubian) and spans roughly the whole Christian period in Nubia, from the seventh to the fourteenth or even fifteenth centuries. The corrections include both ‘cosmetic’ improvements in reading (e.g. from the form ⲁⲛⲁⲛⲉ to ⲁⲛⲁⲛⲏ) as well as identification of ghost-names (e.g. the highly unusual name Theoria, which is in fact a misreading of Theophil).
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