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EN
The period of 'neoabsolutism' in Austria, i.e., the historical phase from 1852 till 1859/60, has been intensely studied in recent decades. The researchers agree (unlike the conclusions of the previous liberal historiography) that the period in question was not a mere return to the monarchist absolutism of pre-Revolution type, but that after the defeat of the Revolution and after the abandonment of the virtual constitution policy between 1849 and 1851, in the subsequent neoabsolutistic period of time the suspended projects of administrative, social and economic modernization continued, naturally with some modifications. Less explained is the question to what extent the monarchist-bureaucratic state administration system was ready as of 1852 to admit some elements of society's participation in administrative decisions. In my opinion, the aim of 'absolutism' was to (provisionally) close the officially 'settled', but in fact unsolved political conflicts, such as, in particular, the Hungarian and the Italian questions. In general, however, the 'Spring of Nations' was 'closed'. Actually, the requirements of agrarian and social revision by the aristocracy that had been deprived of its political rights played a role that was far from being insignificant. On the other hand, however, an opposite opinion can be arrived at and the situation can be diagnosed so that raising the 'lid' of the closure released the disintegration forces in their cumulative mixture of traditional particularism of the Crown Lands and modern nationalism. This would mean that the classic European paradigm of state genesis does not apply here and the Habsburg Monarchy should be viewed as a 'phenomenon sui generis'. In order to make more progress in this particular question it will be necessary to examine to what extent the social integration went beyond the limits of the traditional court-oriented elite (aristocracy, army, court, bureaucracy) and whether the local leading classes and 'nationalities' in the Crown Lands showed readiness not only to accept the existence of the large state, but also to positively integrate in it. Therefore, the 'neoabsolutism' viewed from the historical perspective is a multifaceted phenomenon and it is desirable to discuss the results of research achieved until now as well as the existing views once again in a sort of 'Habsburg Discourse' and try to draw some conclusions. The great importance of that phase for the further development of the Habsburg Monarchy will certainly justify such intellectual endeavor.
Mesto a dejiny
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2023
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vol. 12
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issue 1
46 – 63
EN
The article focuses on the specific legal status of statutory towns in Austria from the restoration of constitutionalism in 1860 to the end of the monarchy and on the peculiarities of their administration. Special attention is paid to their method of selecting representatives since the mayors of the statutory towns were subject to the approval of the government and the emperor. The article examines the impact of the confirmation process on the selection of mayors, and to what extent and in what manner the government exercised its option to exclude certain elected individuals from the leadership of the statutory cities. It shows the changes in the approach of the government after the 1870s and concludes in stating the inefficiency of this tool.
EN
Hitherto unknown documents from the Moravian archive Brno throw light on the story of the imperial chymicus Wenzel Seiler (1648-1681). Twenty letters from the Moravian Archive in Brno (Fasc. 44 / 137, G minus 7, source: monastery St. Thomas in Brno) enable us to reconstruct some episodes in his life. These documents cover the time from Seiler's flight from the cloister St. Thomas in Brno in December 1671 up to September 1673, when Seiler performed transmutational experiments in the presence of Emperor Leopold I in Vienna and applied for discharge from the Augustinian order. Today, a more-or-less satisfying curriculum vitae of this well-known alchemist can be issued. Johann Joachim Becher (Magnalia Naturae, 1680) reported that after his escape from the monastery, Seiler was taken directly from Brno to Castle Feldsberg (Valtice) by coach. In March 1672 the renegade monk together with his comrade Ernst Preihauser was at the court of Valtice. The first attempt to arrest him failed, since both alchemists quickly got to Vienna. Later Wenzel and Ernst were captured at Hartberg in Styria but both alchemists were able to get free again. During the following months both performed transmutations at the Viennese residences of Count Franz Ernst von Schlick and Count Franz Ernst von Paar. From the beginning of July 1672 forward, Count Frantz Augustin von Waldstein (Wallenstein, d.1684) supervised all of Seiler's experiments, at first at the estate of Laxemburg and later in the laboratory in Vienna. In June 1677 the Austrian ambassador at the court of King Charles II, Karl Ferdinand Count Waldstein (Wallenstein 1634-1702), gave a full account on Seiler to Robert Boyle. Seiler died in his laboratory, and his unexpected career allows us to draw a genre-painting of the attitude at the court of Leopold I towards an alchemy.
EN
The map volume 'Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918 IX: Soziale Strukturen, 2. Teilband: Die Gesellschaft der Habsburgermonarchie im Kartenbild. Verwaltungs-, Sozial- und Infrastrukturen. Nach dem Zensus von 1910, bearbeitet von Helmut Rumpler und Martin Seger' (The Habsburg Monarchy 1848-1918 IX: Social structures, Part 2: The Habsburg Monarchy's society reflected in maps. Administrative and social structures, infrastructures. Based on the 1910 census, edited by Helmut Rumpler and Martin Seger) published in spring 2010 provides a sort of snapshot of the social structures in the Habsburg Monarchy on the eve of the First World War. In the introductory part, general structural conditions of the Industrial Revolution are explained, such as the interrelation of technology and social transformation, the role of the education reform, and the rapid construction of an efficient communication system serving the exchange of ideas and goods, and thus the way to a knowledge-based society as a precondition of successful modernization. The central aspect of social transformation is the rapid development of population, which was very different within the Monarchy. A description of the social structures would be incomplete if we failed to take into consideration also the efforts either to integrate the emerging social tensions into system-related ideas, or to accept the social and political challenge and try to ease the social crisis of Modern Era by political negotiations. The spread of nationalism has already been mentioned here. The multiple forms of what is referred to as 'Life Reform' on the one hand and the anti-Semitism on the other provide two totally different responses, quite incomparable in their effects, to the social transformation and to the follow-up problems. Chapter V of the study contains two papers dealing with the socially critical discourses on and the theoretical concepts of solution to the 'social question' in Cisleithania and with their political implementation in Hungary, while in Chapter VI, which is the last one, the statistical foundations of social history of the Habsburg Monarchy are discussed.
Vojenská história
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 3
132 - 155
EN
In the introduction of the article, the author takes a closer look at the genesis of the military meritorious orders in Europe, including the Habsburg Military Order of Maria Theresa, which originated in 1757 and existed until 1931. The introduction also states that the Order originated during the difficult period of the Seven Years’ War for the Habsburg heritage and had an eminently democratic nature – its insignia were intended for officers of all army units. The merits of the officer were the only decisive moment for awarding the order. During the Seven Years’ War (1757 – 1763), total of 9 ceremonies of accordance of the order insignia took place, according 20 Grand Crosses and 164 Knight’s Crosses. In 1765, after extending the number of classes of the order, one Grand Cross and 9 newly established Commander Crosses were accorded. During the whole order existence, 61 Grand Crosses, 141 Commander Crosses and 1,039 Knight’s Crosses were accorded. The author of the contribution translated the Charter of this order, Statuten des Löblichen Militarischen Maria Theresia Ordens to Slovak, which is published in full. In the annex, the Charter can be compared to the charters of the orders established prior to this order’s origin, in particular the Charter of the French Order of Saint Louis from 1693, Saxon Order of Saint Henry from 1736 and Swedish Order of the Sword from 1748.From the historically younger military meritorious orders, the charter of the Hessen Order Pour la Vertu Militaire from 1769 is published. As the author has stated, only the comparison of the charters of the individual orders can highlight the quality and timelessness of the charter, which also implies a high level of the Habsburg Order.
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Slovinci a habsburská monarchie (1848-1918)

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EN
This study focuses on the political history of Slovenians from 1848 to 1918. During the 'Spring of Nations' in 1848, Slovenians, formulated their first national and political program, the goal of which was to eliminate the existing political and administrative fragmentation of Slovenian ethnic groups within the monarchy and enforce the national equality of Slovenians. The set of national demands became known as United Slovenia ('Zedinjena Slovenija' in the original). However, it took seven decades before the Slovenians succeeded in fulfilling their national, emancipatory and liberation efforts. Study analyses and evaluates national and political programs of the main Slovenian political parties and groups from the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century (Slovenian clericalists, liberals and social democrats). The study attempts to answer the question‚'why Slovenians, which believed in the usefulness or even the necessity to preserve the Habsburg Monarchy, were one of the most active promoters of the establishment of a joint state of Yugoslavia among Austro-Hungarian Southern Slavs at the end of the war.'
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2009
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vol. 57
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issue 3
469-492
EN
The reign of Charles I (IV) was a period of disintegration in the history of Austria-Hungary. After the death of Franz Joseph I, the situation in the Habsburg Monarchy became ever more complicated and not only in the field of foreign policy. The internal crisis of the empire also deepened. The monarch, whose position in the Kingdom of Hungary was significantly weakening, attempted during his reign, to shape a united elite of the monarchy, a nobility, which would be loyal to the ruling house in future generations. The exclusive right to grant decorations, titles and orders gave the monarch the possibility to support pro-Habsburg oriented circles in the individual crown lands and reward their patriotism. Charles I (IV) continued the policy of Franz Joseph and in the course of the 24 months of his reign, he granted some degree of noble status to more than a 1000 people. A large part of the materials revealing the background to his decisions is deposited in the archive of the former cabinet office in Vienna.
EN
The study describes the origin, glory and fall of several important business families (Fries, Henickstein, Friesenhof and others), who gained noble status in Vienna at the end of the 18th century and retained considerable social prestige and wealth in the early 19th century. However, their minimal political influence as new noblemen did not correspond to their enormous economic and great cultural importance. The strong founding generation was usually followed by stagnation and often gradual decline with members of later generations not having the necessary persistence and qualities. This development is shown in most detail in the case of the Friesenhof family, with Johann Michael (1739–1812) founding a tradition as the first baron. His son Adolf (1798–1853) still significantly applied himself in the field of business, but his younger brother Gustav (1807–1889) already settled at Brodzany in territory now belonging to Slovakia, where he devoted his attention to business on the local level rather than on that of the whole state. With a loyal attitude to the court and the monarch, strong links with Russia, the Slovak national emancipation movement and Germany, he became a representative of a unique type within the new aristocracy with very strong European connections. His children developed these tendencies further. All this made the Friesenhofs a very interesting and entirely atypical noble family, which only confirmed the variety of this social group.
EN
The Hungarian nobility represented a specific juridical group in the Danube monarchy until its collapse. This was not due to its historical distinctiveness, since a separate nobility and special nobility regulations existed, of course, in the Bohemian and Austrian lands and, from 1772, also in Galicia, but as a result of the state-law changes implemented in the second half of the 18th and early 19th centuries. Although Maria Theresa ultimately refused to meet most of the demands that the Hungarian nobility had forced on her after her accession to the throne (especially those concerning the independence of the Hungarian administration, the restoration of the territorial integrity of the country, and the obligation to consult exclusively with the local elites on Hungarian problems), the administration of the Hungarian state was nevertheless different. While in the western part of the empire the Bohemian and Austrian Court Offices were abolished in 1749 and a joint central office was established, the Hungarian Court Office remained. This had an impact on the form of the local nobility and the Hungarian population law (indigenat). The Hungarian nobility law continued to differ significantly from the Bohemian-Austrian one – from such minor details as the prescribed official fees or the form of diplomas to the different noble titles. The consequence of this process was the existence of two legally independent noble communities, which were not entirely compatible despite the existence of a common monarchy. The historical differences that existed were then further deepened by the Hungarian government after 1867 in order to strengthen the specific position of the Lands of the Crown of St. Stephen.
EN
The aim of the study is to analyse and interpret how the ideas of the Vienna court about the form and aims of institutional care for orphaned children developed in the course of the 18th century under the influence of the theoretical conceptions of the time, and to what degree these ideas were successfully put into practice. At first Maria Theresia preferred the training of orphaned children for manual work, but from the 1770s she began to emphasize their education and military training. Joseph II did not see orphanages as educational, but only as care institutions, and the majority of their inmates were placed with foster parents in return for small payments.
Vojenská história
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 4
7 - 28
EN
The author of this study focused on the new strategic situation after the fall of Nové Zámky (September 1663). The loss of the fortress, which had a high importance in the defence of the fore-field of Vienna, caused extreme panic in the military and political leadership of the Habsburgs. Although the difficult terrain did not favour the Ottoman armies that might attack Vienna from this direction, the possibility of such an action could not be ruled out. Bratislava with its completely outdated defence system needed to be reinforced. Montecuccoli proposed Colonel Joseph Priami to this position. Previously he had worked at the fortifications of Prague and had a significant experience as a field officer. The Emperor assigned Priami to be the commander of Bratislava. Priami also presented the plans of fortification, but these were not realized partly because of the usual financial difficulties, and partly because of the essential improvement in the strategic situation. However, in this otherwise usual story, the real curiosity is the person of Priami and his appointment to this responsible position. Priami’s past was far from being immaculate, he embezzled the pay and the recruiting money of his regiment, made dealings with the supply of his soldiers, left unpaid debts, and was imprisoned three times because of some of these crimes. At the same time, he tried to push forward himself at all times and everywhere in order to get ahead. The present study seeks to answer two questions: first, why a person with such an antecedent was placed in the above-mentioned important position, and secondly, to what extent Priami’s plans to strengthen Bratislava corresponded to the professional requirements and the current possibilities.
EN
The study describes the origin, glory and fall of several important business families (Fries, Henikstein, Friesenhof and others), who gained noble status in Vienna at the end of the 18th century and retained considerable social prestige and wealth in the early 19th century. However, their minimal political influence as new noblemen did not correspond to their enormous economic and great cultural importance. The strong founding generation was usually followed by stagnation and often gradual decline with members of later generations not having the necessary persistence and qualities. This development is shown in most detail in the case of the Friesenhof family, with Johann Michael (1739–1812) founding a tradition as the first baron. His son Adolph (1798–1853) still significantly applied himself in the field of business, but his younger brother Gustav (1807–1889) already settled at Brodzany in territory now belonging to Slovakia, where he devoted his attention to business on the local level rather than on that of the whole state. With a loyal attitude to the court and the monarch, strong links with Russia, the Slovak national emancipation movement and Germany, he became a representative of a unique type within the new aristocracy with very strong European connections. His children developed these tendencies further. All this made the Friesenhofs a very interesting and entirely atypical noble family, which only confirmed the variety of this social group.
EN
(Slovak title: Studenti, obchodnici, obchodni cestujuci a remeselnicki tovarisi pod drobnohladom habsburskej pasovej politiky v rokoch 1815 - 1848). This study is concerned with analysis and interpretation of Habsburg policy on passports and foreign visitors in relation to four specific groups. It enables us to penetrate into the 'everyday' struggle of the Austrian police to preserve the status quo in the Habsburg Monarchy in the period of formation of the ideologies of liberalism, nationalism and communism. Thorough verification of people entering the territory of the Austrian Empire, careful investigation of all possible 'harmful' influences from which it was necessary to protect the population, 'hermetic' closure of frontiers on one side, and the economic pressures of international co-operation, development of intellectual culture, national movements, bureaucratization with typical 'holes in the laws' and expressions of official sloppiness on the other, represent the main limits within which Austrian passport policy moved in the first half of the 19th century.
EN
Due to European diplomatic and military cooperation, the Great Turkish War, lasting from 1683 to 1699, resulted in the nearly complete recapture of Hungary from Ottoman rule. Although the events of the long war are known in detail, little research has been dedicated to what hardships and conflicts the recaptured territories encountered during the organization of the military and financial, followed by the civil and ecclesiastical administration. The present study aims to focus on these issues by synthesizing the research results of the past decades. It presents the challenges of the reconstruction that began during the war, as well as the conflicts among the military, financial, and civil authorities. During the Great Turkish War, the fate of Hungary was determined primarily by the interests of the Habsburg standing army, the Aulic Chamber (Hofkammer), and the Viennese court. During the war, the Hungarian political elite, had very little say in the shaping of events and the new administration of the country. For this reason, the revival of civil and ecclesiastical institutions could only commence very slowly and in the face of great difficulties in the liberated areas, which were under close control from the military and financial points of view. Consequently, a part of the country’s population often regarded the liberation as occupation by the imperial generals, war commissioners, and chamber officials, and even as a series of devastations caused by the Habsburg forces. The recapture of the historical state of Hungary was, therefore, not without fierce political, social, and religious debates. Paradoxically enough, the Great Turkish War fundamentally contributed to the outbreak of the first independence movement in the history of Hungary, the War of Independence (1703–1711) led by Francis II Rákóczi.
EN
An analysis of commercial practices, the network of contacts and the order book of the bookseller Wolfgang Gerle aims to clarify the status of Prague in the European book and information trade and intellectual interchanges between 1770 and 1790. This study draws on preserved book catalogues and Gerle's correspondence with the Swiss company Societe typographique de Neuchâtel. The author establishes the methods by which books were supplied to Prague, positioned as it was in a triangle between the Catholic German countries, near-by Evangelical Leipzig, the heart of the German book trade, and Vienna, the capital city of the Monarchy. The case of the Enlightenment bookseller Gerle shows that the standard of literary knowledge was high; getting supplies from diverse and direct sources was considered necessary: Gerle became involved with German booksellers' commercial networks (he maintained direct links with Leipzig, Berlin, Regensburg, Dresden, Nurnberg) and also the French ones (Paris, Liege and numerous Swiss towns) and obviously with those within the Monarchy (Vienna, Pressburg). Despite that, his competitive ambitions were curtailed by various restrictions, which permeated a society whose path to modernity was at its very beginning. Gerle's readership did comprise a rather narrow elite. His marketing strategy of combating the already over strong competition through the quality of his books proved to be financially unsustainable in the end. However, it is an indication of transformations in the economic conditions of those times and an emerging wider public readership, i.e. ultimately a civic society.
EN
The author outlines the basic developmental trends in the production of Hungarian copper and its key problems in the researched period of the War of the Austrian Succession (1740 – 1748), which led to the signing of new basic contracts concerning trade in Hungarian copper. The author analyses the mechanisms for managing mine and metal production on the level of the whole Monarchy and precisely in this period of basic reform of economic administration. The real profit to the state from mining comprised those items that the copper fund (Kupferfundum) and state mining enterprises recorded as liabilities or obligations, which commercial partners regularly provided to the state as loan capital. A payment of such debts represented one of the main external problems of the state mining enterprise and maintenance of the state monopoly on copper with its purchase from private producers in the Spiš – Gemer mining region, where the debts also gradually increased, formed a further – internal problem in the state enterprise. In the period of the War of the Austrian Succession (1740 – 1748), these two factors seriously affected the development of the whole Hungarian copper industry. This finally led to the managing officials finding a strategic partner for the marketing of copper in the form of the banking house of Jakob Küner von Künersberg and Ján Goll.
EN
The study analyses the proposal to federalize the Monarchy contained in the work The United States of Greater Austria (1906). Its author was a political representative of the Transylvanian Rumanians in the Kingdom of Hungary, Aurel C. Popovici (1863 – 1917). His work appeared in a period of crisis for the Monarchy and represented a proposal for its solution by means of the constitutional reform. Popovici proposed the formation of 15 federal states headed by the Emperor and central government in Vienna. This proposal is analysed in the study in the wider context of the political situation in the Habsburg Monarchy. As a comparative framework for the interpretation of Popovici’s ideas, the study also analyses the thinking of the Austro-Marxists, specifically K. Renner and O. Bauer. They were working on projects to reform the Monarchy at the same time.
EN
The study analyses the proposal to federalize the Monarchy contained in the work The United States of Greater Austria (1906). Its author Aurel C. Popovici (1863 – 1917) was a political representative of the Transylvanian Rumanians in the Kingdom of Hungary. His work appeared in a period of crisis of the monarchy and represented a proposal for its solution by means of constitutional reform. Popovici proposed the formation of 15 federal states headed by the Emperor with the central government in Vienna. This proposal is analysed in the study in the wider context of the political situation in the Habsburg Monarchy. As a comparative framework for the interpretation of Popovici’s ideas, the study also analyses the thinking of the Austro-Marxists, specifically K. Renner and O. Bauer. They were working on projects to reform the Monarchy at the same time as Aurel C. Popovici.
EN
The struggle over Transylvania between the Hungarian political elites and the central state authorities in Vienna had various forms in the period starting with the revolution of 1848-49. Incorporation of Transylvania into the Kingdom of Hungary or the opposite process of its direct administration by Vienna represented the competing integration projects. They were promoted by various high state officials, usually representatives of the aristocracy and high ranking army officers. Their life stories and careers are good example for the statement that behind the top politicians was a large group of loyal bureaucrats, who served the regime, joined one regime with the next and kept the whole system running. It was not always a matter of the most important personalities, but their careers as loyal bureaucrats may supplement and clarify the overall picture of the Empire and the collected biographies of officials may contribute to clarifying the mechanisms of its functioning. The study devotes detailed attention to various generals and aristocratic officials, especially on two of the most typical representatives placed in charge of Transylvania: Prince Karl von Schwarzenberg and Count Emanuel Péchy. The route from the pre-modern to the modern state was characterized by continuity and effective bureaucratic and military control over its own territory, in this case over Transylvania.
EN
The elaboration of the study is based on dispatches of French envoys on the Vienna court, which reflect reform activities of Emperor Joseph II. The first section describes the theory of reforms, innovations and modernizations as it was conceived by 18th century authors and questions, which they asked in connection with benefits and “dangers” of the reform activities. The main part concentrates on a debate between the French foreign minister and his envoys regarding a potential success of modernizing projects of French enlighteners based on observation of enlightening reforms implemented by Joseph II in the Habsburg monarchy and by his brother Peter Leopold in Tuscany. Special attention is paid to debates over the reformer’s influence on the success of the reforms and results of “monitoring” the public opinion as regards the benefit of the introduced changes and methods of their implementation.
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