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EN
The symbolic dimension of the health/illness/care is present in the representation of illnesses differently in each social group In this representation, the etiological conceptualization and healing strategies can include a multiplicity of knowledge, which guide the patient's therapeutic path.  The explanatory model used by the community of Kaydesa, Haiti, reveals a series of symbols and cultural constructions involved in affliction and illness, which highlights the influence of psychosocial perspectives in this process. This article sheds light on the subjective aspect of the health /illness /care process and, from this perspective, reflect theoretical propositions on the placebo and nocebo action mediated by the vodou culture, as well as the position of official medicine in relation to these concepts in the local socio-economic context. Conclusion: from the reflections it is possible to recognize the connection between the placebo and nocebo effect in the health /disease /care process and to identify the influence of structural violence in the public health area in Kaydesa, which manifests itself interfering in the representation of diseases and in the health practices of local residents.
ES
A dimensão simbólica do processo saúde/enfermidade/atenção está presente na representação das enfermidades de forma diferente em cada grupo social. Nesta representação, a conceituação etiológica e as estratégias de cura podem incluir uma multiplicidade de saberes, as quais orientam o percurso terapêutico do paciente. O modelo explicativo utilizado pela comunidade de Kaydesa, Haiti, revela uma série de símbolos e construções culturais envolvidos na aflição e na enfermidade, onde salienta-se a influência das perspectivas psicossociais neste processo e o legado histórico da violência estrutural. Este artigo pretende lançar luz acerca dos aspectos subjetivos do processo saúde/enfermidade/atenção e sob este prisma refletir proposições teóricas sobre a ação placebo e nocebo mediada pela cultura vodou, bem como a postura da medicina oficial frente a estes conceitos no contexto sócio econômico local. Conclusão: a partir das reflexões é possível reconhecer a conexão existente entre o efeito placebo e nocebo no processo saúde/enfermidade/atenção e identificar a influência da violência estrutural no âmbito da saúde pública em Kaydesa, a qual manifesta-se interferindo na representação das doenças e nas práticas em saúde dos moradores locais.
Nurt SVD
|
2020
|
issue 2
169-178
PL
Autorka podjęła próbę interpretacji systemu niewolnictwa i jego przejawów w haitańskiej kulturze na przykładzie zombie. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej omówiono zjawisko zombie. W drugiej przedstawiono kwestię niewolnictwa, jako doświadczenia granicznego. W ostatniej – ukazano zombie jako metafory traumy niewolniczej. Zwrócono przy tym uwagę na następujące przymioty: dusza, podmiotowość człowieka, niewolnictwo. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie zombie jako przejawu traumy niewolniczej funkcjonującej w haitańskiej mentalności. Artykuł stanowi zasygnalizowanie powyższego problemu badawczego.
EN
The author made an attempt to interpret the slavery system and its manifestations in Haitian culture on the example of zombie. The article consists of three parts. The first deals with the zombie phenomenon. In the second the question of slavery as a borderline experience is presented. The last one shows zombie as metaphor for slave trauma. The following qualities were also noted: soul, human subjectivity and slavery. The purpose of this article is to reveal zombie as a symptom of slave trauma functioning in the Haitian mentality. The article is to signal the above mentioned research problem.
PL
Na wyspie Haiti w Wielkich Antylach położone są dwa zupełnie różne państwa – we wschodniej jej części bogata Republika Dominikany, a w zachodniej ubogie Haiti. Olbrzymie zróżnicowanie gospodarcze tych dwóch sąsiadujących ze sobą krajów było inspiracją do porówna-nia systemów emerytalnych funkcjonujących w tych państwach. Celem badawczym pracy jest analiza porównawcza historycznych i aktualnych rozwiązań w systemach emerytalnych Domini-kany i Haiti. Autor stawia hipotezę o przenoszeniu stanu jakości gospodarki w badanych krajach na jakość ich systemów emerytalnych. Artykuł prezentowany jest w układzie: 1. Rozwój histo-ryczny systemów emerytalnych, 2. Stan obecny systemów emerytalnych, 3. Podobieństwa i różni-ce oraz 4. Wyzwania i przewidywane zmiany w systemach emerytalnych. W podsumowaniu autor stwierdza, że system emerytalny w Dominikanie wydaje się wykorzystywać doświadczenia innych krajów Ameryki Łacińskiej, a jednocześnie pojawiły się w niej oryginalne rozwiązania, jak Fun-dusz Solidarności, Dyrekcja Informacji i Ochrony Uczestników oraz Zasób Zabezpieczenia Spo-łecznego, świadczące o twórczym rozwoju wykorzystywanych doświadczeń innych krajów. Sys-tem emerytalny w Haiti stanowi kuriozalny w skali światowej przykład bałaganu w bałaganiar-skim kraju, gdzie permanentny niedobór charakteryzuje całe życie gospodarcze, a stan ten w sku-mulowany sposób przenoszony jest na funkcjonowanie sytemu emerytalnego. Postawiona na wstępie hipoteza o przenoszeniu stanu jakości gospodarki w badanych krajach na jakość ich sys-temów emerytalnych uzyskała potwierdzenie.
EN
On the island of Haiti in the Great Antilles two very different countries are located: in the eastern part of it, the rich Dominican Republic, and in the western part, poor Haiti. Huge economic diversification of the two neighboring countries was the inspiration for the comparison of pension systems operating in those countries. The purpose of the research study is a comparative analysis of past and present solutions of the pension systems of the Dominican Republic and Haiti. The author poses the hypothesis of transmission of the quality status of the economy in the countries on the quality of their pension systems. The article presents: The historical development of pension systems, The present state of pension systems, Similarities and differences, as well as challenges and changes planned in the pension systems. In conclusion, the author states that the pension system in the Dominican Republic seems to use the experience of other countries in Latin Ameri-ca, but the original solutions, such as the Solidarity Fund, Directorate of Information and Protec-tion of Participants and Social Security Resource have also appeared, demonstrating the creative development based on the experience of other countries. The pension system of Haiti is a curious example of a mess in a disordered country where the permanent shortage has got a long economic life, and the state is directly transfers to the functioning of the pension system. The hypothesis of transmission of the quality status of the economy in the examined countries to the quality of their pension systems stated at the beginning has been confirmed.
EN
Diaspora writers add to a long American literary tradition of engaging with political issues, a rich body of literature focused on themes of occupation, persecution, dictatorship, repression and trauma. This paper focuses on a political protest in the form of personal narrative of Haitians whose forgotten or ignored stories were reinscribed by Haitian-American author Edwidge Danticat in The Dew Breaker (2004). The paper examines the representation of Haiti’s history and the collective experience of violence and trauma during the Duvaliers’ dictatorship, and revisits the terror instilled by a paramilitary police – the Tonton Macoutes. In The Dew Breaker Danticat offers a compelling portrait of individuals haunted by pain, trauma and loss. Their stories function as a testimony of the generations of Haitians who experienced abuses and atrocities committed during the era of “Papa Doc” and “Baby Doc”. The book presents the effects of trauma on the individuals and the community, shows what is destroyed by trauma and offers solutions to deal with the traumatic experience. The aim of the paper is to analyze how The Dew Breaker gives a unique access to Haitian history, how it deals with its legacy of violence, how the subaltern articulate their traumas and how literature creates a voice for victims of political violence and psychological terror.
EN
Zombis, unlike the zombies prevalent in American pop culture, function in Haitian culture as complex symbols with historically variable meanings – initially depicting the process of enslavement during the transatlantic slave trade, they increasingly became symbols of Haitian revolutions and resistance. This dialectical doubling of the meaning of zombis can still be found in Dany Laferrière’s novel Pays sans chapeau, published in 1996. The article reconstructs the origin of zombis, presents a discussion on the meaning of this figure, including dialectical views, and discusses their fictional depictions. The aim of the article is to investigate whether zombis still have a twofold symbolism in narrative, as symbols of both enslavement and revolutionary resistance. By considering the vestigial reminiscences of zombis in Yanick Lahens’ novel Douces déroutes, attention is drawn to the processes of gradual loss of zombis’ ambivalence and their importance as means of creating Haitian identity and everyday experience. According to the study’s conclusions, their absence (or their residual forms) in the novel of the second decade of the 21st century is as significant and interesting as their vitality and omnipresence in the works of writers of previous generations.
Nurt SVD
|
2023
|
issue 2
206-219
PL
W historii Ameryki Łacińskiej indygenizm był ważnym ruchem humanistycznym o charakterze społeczno-kulturowym i artystycznym, którego uaktywnienie wiąże się z inwazją Stanów Zjednoczonych na Haiti w 1915 roku. Założenia indygenizmu skupiały się wokół kwestii związanych z tożsamością, duchowością murzyńską oraz folklorem ludowym. Na ruch wpływ miał Jean Price-Mars oraz autorzy publikujący w czasopiśmie La Revue Indigène. Artykuł porusza tematykę związaną z haitańskim indygenizmem i został podzielony na dwie części: w pierwszej ukazano sylwetkę Jeana Price-Marsa, a w drugiej dokonano charakterystyki indygenizmu haitańskiego oraz wpływu, jaki wywarł na niego wspomniany antropolog haitański.
EN
In the history of Latin America, “indigenism” (indigenous activism) was an important movement, but its Haitian variant stands out significantly from other varieties. It was a humanist movement of a socio-cultural and artistic nature, the activation of which is associated with the United States invasion of Haiti in 1915. The assumptions of indigenism focused on issues related to identity, black spirituality and folk folklore. The movement was influenced by Jean Pirce-Mars and authors publishing in the magazine La Revue Indigène. The article discusses issues related to Haitian indigenism and it is divided into two parts. In the first one, the author presents the profile of Jean Price-Mars. The second part characterizes Haitian indigenism and the influence that this Haitian anthropologist had on it.
EN
In 2010, the capital of Haiti was devastated by an earthquake that seemed to provide the opportunity for the country, as well as foreign donors, to put Port-au-Prince on the track of an ordered, planned urban policy, in line with its multi-risk context. Prior to the earthquake, the lack of a legal framework for urban planning was called into question. In its wake, speeches making the capital the emblem of a new ‘sustainable’ start have flourished. The European Union, the main donor of funds for Haiti, has embarked on a programme of support for reconstruction, but with what results three years later? The paper proposes to approach the limitations of the ‘sustainable city’ model, conditioned by spatiotemporal continuity. The systemic functioning underlying urban sustainability clashes with the context of Port-au-Prince, where spatial division and temporal discontinuity are determinant. In spite of itself, aid and its operation by projects, seems to enforce urban fragmentation and dissonance.
PL
Prezydentura Billa Clintona przypadła na lata względnego spokoju na arenie międzynarodowej. Okres ten był poprzedzony zimnowojennymi zmaganiami z ZSRR trwającymi kilka dekad, z których Stany Zjednoczone wyszły zwycięsko. Natomiast, bezpośrednio po dwóch kadencjach prezydenta Billa Clintona w Białym Domu, w wyniku ataków terrorystycznych na USA w dniu 11 września 2001 roku, USA rozpoczęły wojnę z terroryzmem. Stany Zjednoczone za Billa Clintona cieszyły się wysoką moralną estymą oraz możliwością pokojowego oddziaływania na inne państwa. Naturalnie, w wyniku wieloletnich zimnowojennych zbrojeń, dysponowały też klasycznym hard-power. W tym okresie USA miały zdolność kształtowania wydarzeń na wszystkich kontynentach i dysponowały narzędziami wpływania na innych aktorów sceny politycznej. Mimo że w tym okresie Stany Zjednoczone nie były bezpośrednio zagrożone, to jednak w okresie prezydentury Billa Clintona miały miejsce lokalne konflikty i wydarzenia, które negatywie wpłynęły na bezpieczeństwo USA i wizerunek tego państwa. Wydarzenia te mogły wystawić na próbę Stany Zjednoczone, ale również, swoimi konsekwencjami, zagrozić USA bądź podkopać ich interesy. Takimi wydarzeniami były konflikty w byłej Jugosławii, na Haiti, w Somalii oraz Rwandzie. Wyzwaniem były również narodziny Al-Kaidy i transformacje tej terrorystycznej organizacji w źródło zagrożenia dla USA i całego demokratycznego świata. Stany Zjednoczone za prezydentury Clintona zastosowały politykę nieadekwatną do wymiaru tych konfliktów i zjawisk, co zaowocowało podkopaniem amerykańskiego wizerunku, doprowadziło do bezpośredniego zagrożenia oraz uwikłania się USA w dwie militarne interwencje.
EN
The Bill Clinton presidency happened in the years of a relative calm in the international arena. That period was preceded by the Cold-War struggles with the USSR, lasting a few decades, from which the United States went out as a winner. However, directly upon the two terms in office of President Bill Clinton at the White House, in result of the terrorist attacks on the United States on 11 September 2001, the USA began war against terrorism. The United States under the Bill Clinton presidency were enjoying a high moral esteem and the ability of peaceful influencing other states. Naturally, in result of multiannual Cold-War armaments, it had at its disposal the classical hard power. In that period, the USA was able to shape the events on all continents and had at its disposal the tools of influencing other actors of the political scene. Although the United States was not in that period directly endangered, nevertheless in the period of Bill Clinton presidency there took place local conflicts and events which have negatively affected US security and this state’s image. Those events might have put the United States to the test, but also, by its consequences, threaten the USA or undermine its interest. Such events were the conflicts in former Yugoslavia, in Haiti, Somalia, and Rwanda. The challenge was also the birth of Al-Qaeda and transformations of this terrorist organisation into the source of threat for the USA and the entire democratic world. The United States under the Clinton presidency applied the policy inadequate to the size of those conflicts and phenomena, what has yielded in undermining of the American image, has led to direct threat and US entanglement in two military interventions.
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