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The aim of this article is to analyse the concept of everyday life, which was used by Henri Lefebvre to build his theory of overcoming the alienation – both on the individual (as the theory of moments) and collective (in his concept of revolution as a popular festival) level. In the basic structures of everyday life Lefebvre saw the fundaments of spontaneity, human creative power that is capable of forcing its way through the alienating structures and that makes the total subjugation impossible. Moreover, placing the theory of revolution inside the concept of everyday life allows to draw particular attention to the importance of human consciousness in a revolutionary struggle. In the end, however, it seems that the categories introduced by Lefebvre, even though they create a good fundament for the discussion about the possibility of the human emancipation, cannot fully explain the phenomenon of the revolution.
EN
The article is based on disability geography and draws on the social- geographic conception of relational space, which is perceived as being constantly created, never finished, heterogeneous, and embodied, and not a space that is given and everywhere the same. It offers a specific way of linking the discursive and material dimensions of disability, which intersect in the concept of social space, and refers to Lefebvre’s trialectics of production – spatial practices, the representation of space, and spaces of representations. To analyse the mutual production of social space and social bodies, we use Goffman’s concept of civil inattention. We ask how such social practices as gazing, addressing, asking, or dodging that co-create the social space of electric wheelchair users influence their movement through material space, and through the spatial reactions of wheelchair users responding to unwanted attention we trace the homogenisation and differentiation of space. The text is based on a long-term study (2010–2018) of the temporal/spatial behaviour of five electric wheelchair users (four men and one woman) diagnosed with muscular dystrophy who live in the City of Brno.
Pamiętnik Teatralny
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2021
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vol. 70
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issue 4
25-40
PL
Poprzez pytanie zawarte w tytule artykuł analizuje napięcie między inercją a zmianą w badaniach nad historią kultury. Inercja w tym kontekście nie oznacza bezczynności czy bezwładności (czyli braku aktywnych właściwości), ale strukturalne ograniczenia, które ujawniają się, gdy kwestionowane są kody, formy, praktyki, role itp. Jakie rodzaje i formy społecznokulturowej wiedzy, wartości lub struktur są pielęgnowane, rozwijane, a jakie porzucane na różnych obszarach geograficznych i w całej historii systemu społecznego? Inercja i zmiana jako strategie historiograficzne umożliwiają rezygnację z myślenia w kategoriach istoty i marginesu oraz związanych z nimi binarnych opozycji opartych na różnicy i inności, by skupić się na dynamice, która wpływa na podtrzymanie niektórych systemów i struktur społecznych w celu zachowania energii oraz na porzucanie bądź wprowadzanie innych. W procesie badania przestrzeni w czasie historiograficznym autorka czerpie historyczne przykłady z podejmowanych przez uczonych i performerów w Stanach Zjednoczonych w drugiej połowie XIX wieku prób inscenizowania „amerykańskich” historii, które przechowywały, odrzucały i tworzyły przeszłe i współczesne przestrzenie historyczne: wizja Ancient Society Lewisa Henry’ego Morgana (1877), Columbian Exposition z 1893 roku i Dziki Zachód Buffalo Billa.
EN
In asking the question embedded in the title, this article explores the tension between inertia and change in cultural historical studies. Inertia in this context does not mean inactive or inert (i.e., without active properties), but the structural constraints that are revealed when codes, forms, practices, roles, etc., contest. What kinds and forms of socio-cultural knowledge, values, or structures are maintained, developed, or abandoned across geographies and throughout a system’s history? Rather than thinking in terms of core and margin and related binaries of difference and “othering,” inertia and change as historiographical strategies focus on the dynamics that affect social systems and structures, preserving some systems to conserve energy while introducing or forsaking others. In the process of exploring these spaces in historiographical time, this article draws historical examples from attempts among scholars and performers in the United States in the latter nineteenth century to stage “American” histories that stored, rejected, and created past and contemporaneous historical spaces at such sites as Lewis Henry Morgan’s view of Ancient Society (1877), the Columbian Exposition of 1893, and Buffalo Bill’s Wild West.
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72%
EN
In asking the question embedded in the title, this article explores the tension between inertia and change in cultural historical studies. Inertia in this context does not mean inactive or inert (i.e., without active properties), but the structural constraints that are revealed when codes, forms, practices, roles, etc., contest. What kinds and forms of socio-cultural knowledge, values, or structures are maintained, developed, or abandoned across geographies and throughout a system’s history? Rather than thinking in terms of core and margin and related binaries of difference and “othering,” inertia and change as historiographical strategies focus on the dynamics that affect social systems and structures, preserving some systems to conserve energy while introducing or forsaking others. In the process of exploring these spaces in historiographical time, this article draws historical examples from attempts among scholars and performers in the United States in the latter nineteenth century to stage “American” histories that stored, rejected, and created past and contemporaneous historical spaces at such sites as Lewis Henry Morgan’s view of Ancient Society (1877), the Columbian Exposition of 1893, and Buffalo Bill’s Wild West.
EN
When the famous African-American actor and singer Paul Robeson played the lead in Shakespeare’s Othello in London in 1930, tickets were in high demand during the production’s first week. The critical response, however, was less positive, although the reviews unanimously praised his bass-baritone delivery. When Robeson again played Othello on Broadway thirteen years later, critics praised not only his voice but also his acting, the drama running for 296 performances. My argument concerning Robeson uses elements first noted by Henri Lefebvre in his seminal work, The Production of Space, while I also draw on Paul Connerton’s work on commemorative practices. Using spatial and memorial theories as a backdrop for examining his two portrayals, I suggest that Robeson’s nascent geopolitical awareness following the 1930 production, combined with his already celebrated musical voice, allowed him to perform the role more dramatically in 1943.
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