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Prasłowiański przyrostek *-tajь w świetle materiału porównawczego

100%

Witczak K. T.

LingVaria : Półrocznik Wydziału Polonistyki UJ poświęcony zagadnieniom języka i językoznawstwa

2017

issue 23

209-222

The author considers anew the origin of the Slavic suffix *-tajь, taking into account new Tocharian data which feature the agentive suffix -tau (e.g. Toch. B. olyitau ‘boatman’ : Toch. AB olyi; Toch. B käryorttau ‘trader, merchant’ : karyor ‘buying, business negotiation’), as well as the iterative-frequentative feature of the verbal suffix *-teh₂- in the Indo-European languages. The iterative-frequentative aspect of the Indo-European suffix *-teh₂- is securely preserved in the Latin verbal system, cf. Lat. eō, īre ‘to go, walk, move, pass’, Gk. εἶμι ‘id.’ (< PIE. *h₁ei- ‘to go’) vs. Lat. itō, itāre (verbum iterativum vel intensivum) ‘to go, march’, Gk. ἰτητέον (adiectivum verbale) (< PIE. *h₁i-teh₂- ‘to go frequently’). It is suggested that the iterative-frequentative (and perhaps intensive) meaning of the suffix *-teh₂- was adopted from Indo-European verbal formations and introduced into a number of nominal forms, e.g. agent nouns (nomina agentis) with the (verbal) suffix *-teh₂-, e.g. PIE. *h₂erh₃-i̯e-ti ‘he ploughs’   PIE. *h₂erh₃-teh₂-i̯e-ti ‘he frequently (or constantly) ploughs’  PIE. *h₂erh₃-teh₂-s m. ‘a man who frequently (or constantly) ploughs the earth’, i.e. ‘ploughman, farmer’  PIE. dial. *h₂erh₃-teh₂-i̯o-s m. ‘id.’. The author concludes that the Proto-Indo-European archetype *h₂erh₃-teh₂-(i̯o)-s originally denoted ‘a person who frequently (or constantly) ploughs the earth’. Put differently, the Indo-European nominal suffix *-teh₂-, attested in certain agent nouns in Baltic, Greek, Slavic and Tocharian, was characterized by the iterative-frequentative aspect taken over from the corresponding verbs in *-teh₂-. The original semantic difference, reconstructible for the Indo-European proto-language, has been completely forgotten in most of the daughter languages. This is why the Ancient Greek noun ἀρότης m. ‘plougman, farmer’ (< PIE. *h₂erh₃-téh₂-s m.), which originally denoted ‘a person who frequently or constantly ploughs the earth’, seems to be fully synonymous with ἀροτήρ m. ‘plougman, farmer’ (< PIE. *h₂erh₃-tér-s m.) which originally indicated a man who is ploughing currently but not constantly. The same semantic difference must have existed in Baltic (e.g. Lith. artójas ‘ploughman, farmer’, OPruss. artoys ‘farmer’ vs. Lith. arėjas m. ‘plougman’, Latv. arẽjs m. ‘ploughman, farmer’), as well as in Slavic (e.g. Pol. rataj ‘ploughman, farmer’ vs. oracz m. ‘ploughman’).

Łacińskie lōrum w świetle etymologii

63%

Witczak K. T.

LingVaria : Półrocznik Wydziału Polonistyki UJ poświęcony zagadnieniom języka i językoznawstwa

2017

issue 24

185-196

The traditional etymology of Lat. lōrum n. ‘strap, girdle, rein’, according to which it is related to Arm. lar ‘strick, rope, band’ and Greek (Homeric) εὔληρα, Doric αὔληρα n. pl. ‘reins’, should be rejected for phonological and morphological reasons. The present author suggests a new explanation of the Latin term in question. It derives from the Italic archetype *lōsom n. ‘strap, belt, girdle’. Close equivalents are attested in Indo-Iranian, cf. Old Indic rā́snā- f. ‘girdle’ (< IE. *lōsnā); Khotan Saka rrānä ‘belt’, Ossetic ron ‘belt, girdle’ (< Iranian *rāhnā- < IE. *lōsnā), Sogdian r’n’(kh) ‘belt’ (< Iran. *rāhnā-ka-); Wakhi ran-dáq, ran-dak ‘leather strap’ (< Iran. *rāhna-taka-). The Indo-European root *lōs- (< PIE. *leh₃s-) is also attested in Ancient Greek, cf. Gk. λῶμα n. ‘hem, fringe, border of cloths’ (< IE. *lṓs-mn̥ n.), Aeolic λῶστοι pl. ‘stitched’, ἄλωστοι pl. ‘unstitched’, εὔλωστοι pl. ‘well-vowen’ (< IE. *lōs-tó-). The author explains Latin lōrus (m.) as an innovative form created on the basis of the irregular plural lōrī, originally nom.-acc. du. n. *lōso-ī ‘two straps, two reins’ (< PIE. *leh₃so-ih₁). The loss of the dualnumber in the early pre-literary phase of the development of the Latin language caused the reinterpretation of preserved dual forms. It is emphasized that Lat. frēnum n. ‘bit, cub, bridle’ attests not only the regular plural frēna ‘reins’, but also the irregular frēnī (orig. nom.-acc. du. n.).

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2 LingVaria : Półrocznik Wydziału Polonistyki UJ poświęcony zagadnieniom języka i językoznawstwa

2 Witczak K. T.

2 2017

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Prasłowiański przyrostek *-tajь w świetle materiału porównawczego

Łacińskie lōrum w świetle etymologii