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EN
Greenberg’s Universal 28 says that ‘if both the derivation and inflection follow the root, or they both precede the root, the derivation is always between the root and the inflection’ (Greenberg 1966: 93). Booij (1994: 27) undermines this by allowing inherent inflection to feed derivation. There is abundant literature showing that inherent inflection can feed derivation in Germanic, Romance and Slavic languages (Booij 1994, 1996, Chapman 1996, Rainer 1996, Cetnarowska 1999). The aim of this paper is to describe and compare derivational categories related to participle forms in Irish and Polish. These include among others agent nouns, adjectives of tendency/inclination, resultative passive adjectives and facilitative adjectives. Stump (2005: 52) points out that the terms present and past participle are, in fact, misnomers since participles are uninflected for tense, and they should be regarded as stems conveying aspect information plus the lexical information of the root. The existence of derivatives based on inflected forms is usually taken as evidence against the inflection-derivation dichotomy, and in favour of a tripartition into contextual inflection, inherent inflection and derivation. The paper addresses the theoretical ramifications of the existence of such derivatives for inferential-realisational approaches (Stump 2001), such as for example Beard’s (1995) Lexeme-Morpheme Base Morphology, which separates the operations on the grammatical (morpholexical and morphosyntactic) features and operations responsible for the morphophonological modification of the root/stem.
EN
The traditional interpretation of Old English (OE) spelling is problematic in (1) positing short diphthongs, not otherwise known to exist, and (2) not resolving various coincidences involving the spelling/writing of Old Irish (OI ): that OI uses spellings that appear to represent short diphthongs (gaib) but do not, and that OE is written in the Irish hand. Both problems can be solved by positing that the spelling/writing system of OE was developed by Irish missionary linguists who perceived OE as being like OI in having front and back consonants, and spelt OE in the manner of OI : using front or back vowels as diacritics for front or back consonants.
EN
The aim of this paper is to look at the changes currently taking place in regards to the Basic Colour Term buí in Irish. Irish, a Celtic language, is, along with English, one of the official languages of Ireland although it is very much a minority one, with an overwhelming number of L2 speakers of varying linguistic ability. As a result of this, and the fact that the language itself is surrounded by a sea of English, English syntax and vocabulary—and its way of perceiving the world—is constantly being brought to bear on the language, and L1 speakers are continually being exposed to this and coming under its influence. One illustration of this is the Basic Colour Term buí. Traditionally, this term had its focus on ‘yellow’ but also covered ‘orange’ through light brown or ‘tan’. However, it is nowadays most frequently understood by L2 speakers as a one-to-one equivalent for the English term ‘yellow’, with oráiste‘orange’ and donn ‘brown’ being used, as in English, to cover those other shades that would traditionally be part of buí. To this end, I present results from field-work carried out amongst L1 native speakers of Irish to see how far this change has taken place in their own understanding of the language and how much the traditional Irish colour system is yielding to that of English.
EN
Multilingualism is now considered as the mean of achieving common goals on the European ground. This term can be referred to speaking several languages at the same time, and as to an official requirement for the employees of an organisation or a company who should communicate internally and externally by using more than one language and finally, as to multiculturalism which can apply to an individual’s capability to master several languages. But since the EU has extended equal treatment to 24 languages spoken in all of its member countries, there is a huge demand for translators, interpreters, linguists and lawyer-linguists. The Irish language, being a working one, while not yet a XX language is an interesting example of achieving the largest scope of multilingualism in the EU.
EN
This article looks at the issue of terminology in Irish language translations of science fiction and fantasy. Although there are no original works per se in the language, there do exist several translations of well‑known international works.This has given rise to the problem of what to do in those cases where concepts or terms do not exist, or have never existed, in Irish: should a term be coined or invented, should they be left in the original form, or should they be written according to Irish orthographic rules? This article examines the reaction to the Irish translation of The Hobbit and of the main terms therein, and then focuses on those cases where Irish does have terms, but which are not one‑to‑one equivalents for the English word in question.
PL
W poszukiwaniu modelu derywacji odimiesłowowych przymiotników skłonnościowych oraz potencjalnych w języku irlandzkim Artykuł bada potencjał wyjaśniający dwóch separacyjnych modeli opisu językowego, tj. leksykalistycznego modelu LMBM (Lexeme Morpheme Base Morphology) oraz modelu DM (Morfologii Rozproszonej – Distributed Morphology), na podstawie analizy odimiesłowowych przymiotników skłonnościowych i potencjalnych w języku irlandzkim, które tworzy się za pomocą niezerowych wykładników morfologicznych. W modelu LMBM, w którym zjawiska leksykalne i morfo-syntaktyczne są rozdzielone, irlandzkie przymiotniki muszą być derywowane bezpośrednio od rdzenia czasownikowego lub specjalnego allomorfu rdzeniowego używanego w kontekście adjektywizacji. Pierwsze rozwiązanie pociąga za sobą zwiększenie ilości wykładników formalnych, drugie nie jest w stanie uchwycić formalnego i semantycznego związku pomiędzy ‘specjalnym’ allomorfem rdzeniowym a imiesłowem. Morfologia Rozproszona wypada lepiej, gdyż teoria ta nie nakłada ograniczeń na występowanie form fleksyjnych w strukturach przymiotnikowych. Ponadto obecność imiesłowów w strukturach przymiotnikowych znajduje potwierdzenie w testach dystrybucyjnych. Struktury te tworzą kontinuum: imiesłów – przymiotnik odimiesłowowy – przymiotnik odczasownikowy.
EN
This paper tests the explanatory potential of two competing separationist models, a lexicalist LMBM model and a constructionist DM model, in the analysis of overtly marked dispositional and passive potential adjectives based on participles in Irish. In LMBM, which upholds a strict division between lexical and morphosyntactic phenomena, Irish adjectives must be derived directly from the verbal root or a special allomorphic variant of the verbal root which is used in the context of adjectivising morphology. The first solution involves the multiplication of formal markers, the latter misses the formal and semantic relationship between the supposedly “special” verbal stem and the participle. DM fares better since there is no theoretical ban on the use of participles as bases for adjectives and the presence of participles in the structure of Irish adjectives is corroborated by distributional facts. The proposed structures form a continuum from verbal participles via adjectivised participles to deverbal adjectives.
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