Search results

1

Perspectives of the Kurdish knot in the Middle East

100%

Tillo K., Tillo K.

Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities

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2018

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vol. 8

119-132

EN

For centuries, Kurds have been carrying out activities aimed at obtaining their own state. Due to the cooperation of Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria, it was impossible in the twentieth century. As a result of Operation Desert Storm, a Kurdish enclave was created in the north of Iraq, which over the years developed and allowed for real dreams of recognized independence, at least for some of the Kurds living in the Middle East. A&er the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq in 2011, there was a political vacuum in which we observe the weakening of the Iraqi state, the outbreak of the Arab Spring and the emergence of the Islamic State, which also had direct consequences for the Kurds. The weakness of the central government in Baghdad, the need to fight the Kurdish army against IS fighters raised the importance of arguments for the proclamation of an independent Kurdish state in the Middle East, or maybe even two, including the possible division of Syria.

2

Wpływ wojny hybrydowej w Syrii na pozycję Kurdów w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu

100%

Smoleń K.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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issue 3 (376)

219-238

EN

The aim of this article is to analyze the impact of hybrid war in Syria on the status of the Kurds in the Middle East. To begin with, the Syrian War constitutes an independent variable of the Kurds’ position within the scope of this analysis. The ongoing warfare is considered as a determining variable due to several factors, including the changing approach of Bashar al- Assad's regime towards the Kurdish minority, the role of third parties implicated in the conflict, in particular Iran, Turkey and the US, as well as the geopolitical influence of the Islamic State’s aggression in Syria. Secondly, the article attempts to “gauge” or determine the status of the Kurds in the Middle East resulting from the abovementioned phenomena. Thirdly, in the context of the previous point, it is relevant to demonstrate the actions taken by the Kurds themselves in terms of their plans and objectives, their success against jihadists, and their relations with important local players and with the US. The following research questions are formulated in the course of the presented considerations: has the status of the Kurds in the region improved as a result of the ongoing warfare in Syria and have they eventually become a noteworthy actor in the conflict, or rather, have they been marginalized, with the problem of Kurdish autonomy in Syria deemed no longer relevant? Does the war in Syria imply the position of the Kurds in the Middle East, and is it significantly influenced by the rivalry of regional and extra-regional powers? The article investigates two research hypotheses. 1) The international position of the Kurds is significantly influenced by the involvement of regional powers as well as the United States and Russia in a hybrid war in Syria, which should be considered a manifestation of their geopolitical rivalry in the Middle East. 2) The involvement of the Kurds in combat against fighters from the so-called Islamic State caused a short-term increase in the international position of this minority. In the long term, the fight between Kurds and jihadists was instrumentally treated by the main "players" in the region as well as the United States and Russia and related to the implementation of their geopolitical interests.

3

The Kurds in the Former Soviet States from the Historical and Cultural Perspectives

100%

Omarkhali K., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2013

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issue 2 (5)

PL

The history of the Kurdish community in Russia concerns several centuries. The Kurds who live in the today’s Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), before USSR, constitue about 2,5% of all Kurdish population, which is the most important part of the Kurdish Diaspora. The number of Kurds has increased in the Russian Federation especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the Kurds began to leave Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Central Asia and began to settle in the Russian Federation. This is a brief study of the Kurds in the former Soviet Union with the study of the demography of the Kurds and their development from historical and cultural perspectives. Special attention is paid to the contemporary situation of the Kurds in the post-Soviet states, in particular on the territory of the Russian Federation.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

4

Policy of the Russian Federation towards Kurds in the Syrian Conflict

100%

Bielicki P.

Securitologia

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2018

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issue 1 (27)

33-50

EN

The main purpose of the article is to present the conditions and dependencies that characterize Russian-Kurdish relations from the beginning of the Syrian conflict. The author emphasizes the role of Kurds in the Arab world and in the global strategy of Russia. At the beginning, he follows the history of the relationship between Russia and Kurds from he Persian crisis in 1946 to 1991 and the moderate reaction of the Kremlin to the failed Kurdish uprising in Iraq in that year. He addresses the issue of Russia's return to the Middle East and its limited support for the Kurdish side in the fight against ISIS in Syria. He describes Moscow's position on the referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan, which also affects the events in Syria and contributes to the additional heating of tension. He also analyzes issues related to the latest offensive of Turkish forces in the Afrin region in Syria against Kurds. In the summary, the author signals forecasts for the future in mutual contacts and attempts to answer the question whether Moscow will want to strengthen Kurdish position in negotiations regarding the end of the Syrian conflict.

5

Kurds in the Middle East in the context of plurality of identities

88%

Al-Absi M., Al-Absiová E.

Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities

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2018

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vol. 8

149-156

EN

The paper analyzes the ethnic, linguistic and religious aspects of the Kurdish region. It explains the issue of the tribal identity of Kurdish communities in the Middle East and points to the phenomenon of tribalism as a key factor affecting the degree of ethnic and political consistency of Kurdistan.

6

KURDISH IDENTITY AND SPORTS IN TURKEY: THE CASE OF AMEDSPOR

88%

Irak D.

Society Register

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2018

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vol. 2

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issue 1

59-76

EN

The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kurdish sportspeople are not discouraged from joining in sports activities, their participation is heavily monitored by the government agencies against any manifestation of ethnic identity. Football in the Kurdish regions, seen by the Turkish state as a tool to distract Kurdish youth from political activities, has always been subject to the direct intervention of the civil and military bureaucracy, their presence in club boards is not uncommon. However, a third-division club named Amedspor, challenged all the unwritten rules related to Kurds in sports, at the expense of receiving a recurring suspension from the Turkish Football Federation. This article examines the Kurdish sports and the Amedspor case through Manuel Castells’ conception of legitimizing, resistance and project identities

7

Kwestia kurdyjska w stosunkach ormiańsko-azerbejdżańskich

88%

Czachor R.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

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2015

|

issue 1-2

29-41

EN

The presence of the Kurds in Karabakh, the contemporary Armenian-Azerbaijani borderland, since the beginning of the 18th century was used by great powers in their geopolitical rivalry in the South Caucasus. In the beginning of the 20th century, the Kurdish minority in Karabakh became part of the conflict between Armenian and Azeri nationalists as well as an element in the Soviet policy on nationalities. As a result, the Kurds got an autonomous county within Soviet Azerbaijan. They were indirectly supported by Armenians against the Azeris and finally assimilated by the Azerbaijani majority. The article is a short overview of the history of the Kurds in Karabakh and contains an analysis of their role in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The paper maintains that both Armenians and the Azeris used the Kurds for their own political goals.

8

Kurdská komunita v České republice

88%

Murad M., Mareš M.

Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)

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2015

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vol. 102

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issue 1

75-96

EN

In the Czech Republic are also foreign communities, which were not traditional in Central Europe, however became part of the Czech Republic ethnic spectrum and we can assume their further development. One of these communities is the Kurdish community; it is not very large (it has only about 200 members), but this community is certainly interesting. The Kurdish Community seeks to promote organized interests, they are linked to the wider Kurdish Diaspora on other countries and to their home countries as well, and therefore we are able to identify their transnational activities.

9

Indigeneity Discourse within Kurdish Political Movement

88%

Ünal A.

Securitologia

|

2017

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issue 2 (26)

55-67

EN

This research looks at the indigenous, aspect of the Kurds and how indigenousness is expressed within the Kurdish political movement that has been paid limited attention. As this research addresses the differences between these two notions, it will be making a significant contribution on the indigenousness of Kurds that have been either widely seen as ethnic minority in the Middle East or their existence have been denied. I aim to draw scholarly attention to indigeneity discourse to address, in particular, the self-determination claim that is considered the most debated claim of indigenous peoples as self-determination, which is in the Kurdish context, one of the key demand of the Kurdish struggle is also defined as ‘democratic autonomy/democratic confederalism’ that was recognised by the United Nations in 2007 as one of the key rights of Indigenous Peoples.

10

Current status of Kurdish culture in Turkey. Ethnical and national identity of Kurdish people in Istanbul and Diyarbakir − study field research

88%

Knitter S.

Prace Etnograficzne

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2013

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vol. 41

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issue 3

223–230

EN

In his text the author showed the results of his fieldwork in Turkey, in the western Kurdistan. In his research, conducted on the border of the perspectives of anthropology and political science, he decided to compare the situation of the Kurdish people, the largest stateless ethnic group in Istanbul and Diyarbakir and the way in which they build their ethnic and national identity living in different places and in different environments. The author investigated how the Kurds preserve their ethnic customs and how they define their contemporary ethnic condition

11

The Kurd Issue in the Middle East

75%

Misiągiewicz J.

Facta Simonidis

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2013

|

vol. 6

|

issue 1

127-149

PL

Celem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza sytuacji i genezy mniejszości kurdyjskiej w wybranych państwach na Bliskim Wschodzie. Współcześnie wzrost kurdyjskiego nacjonalizmu stanowi wyzwanie dla stabilności i unitarności państw regionu. Jest to kwestia związana nie tylko z potrzebą tożsamości politycznej mniejszości kurdyjskiej i dążeniem do stworzenia własnego państwa, ale przede wszystkim z niedorozwojem gospodarczym i społecznym regionów kurdyjskich. Najwięcej Kurdów zamieszkuje na terytorium południowo-wschodniej Turcji. Państwo to od wielu lat boryka się z problemem terroryzmu Partii Pracujących Kurdystanu. Tym samym kwestię kurdyjską należy analizować, uwzględniając szereg uwarunkowań politycznych, kulturowych, społecznych i gospodarczych stanowiących specyfikę państw zamieszkałych przez tę mniejszość.

EN

This article surveys the developing situation of Kurdish minority in the Middle East and tries to predict the future of this ethnic group. The emergence of Kurd nationalism is gaining importance nowadays as a challenge for the stability and unity of the states in the region. The Kurdish question is not only connected with the political identity of the Kurds and their willingness to create their own state, but also with their economic weakness and poverty which has caused a violent ethnic conflict between government forces and the Kurdistan Workers Party in Turkey. This paper is aimed at better understanding and analysis of the Kurdish issue in Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, which are Kurds’ homelands in the Middle East.

12

Milete min Êzîd. The Uniqueness of the Yezidi Concept of the Nation

75%

Rodziewicz A.

Securitologia

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2018

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issue 1 (27)

67-78

EN

Both the current increasing nationalistic discourse of the Yezidis and the discussion about their “Kurdishness” result from the growing political significance of the Kurds and the inclusion of the Yezidis into the geopolitical game in the Iraqi Kurdistan region. The paper concerns the traditional Yezidi understanding of their millet, still valid, but starting to change, which is based on the mystical and metaphysical ideas incompatible with the approach preferred by contemporary political science.

13

The Securitisation of Kurdish Self-Determination as A Challenge for the Sectarian Balance of Power in the Middle East

75%

Musioł M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2019

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vol. 1 (48)

115-134

EN

The article addresses current questions concerning the Kurdish situation before and after the invasion and expansion of ISIS. It applied the theory of securitisation to study the tangled circumstances and frameworks of Kurdish claims, underlining their attempts at gaining their much-desired independence. This elaboration enables one to recognise the genesis and the local, regional and global context of international actions vis-à-vis Kurdish interests, and the possible supporters and opponents of the Kurdish project of statehood in the Middle East. It portrays also the current perception of Kurdish efforts to establish their own national and legal subjectivity that must be recognised by the majority of state actors in order to meet the indispensable criteria of international law. This article is particularly important in the context of recent developments in the Middle East. First of all, it refers to pressures, as well as openly offensive actions targeting the interests and territories controlled by the Kurds in Turkey during the existence of the so-called Islamic State. Secondly, it reflects on actors’ reactions in the international arena, including the countries of the Middle East, towards the independence referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan, as well as on direct actions aimed at shaping a new geopolitical order after the fall of ISIS (attack by Iraqi troops in Kirkuk or the Turkish army in Afrin).

14

The Kurd Issue in the Middle East

75%

Misiągiewicz J.

Facta Simonidis

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2013

|

issue 6

151-166

EN

This article surveys the developing situation of Kurdish minority in the Middle East and tries to predict the future of this ethnic group. The emergence of Kurd nationalism is gaining importance nowadays as a challenge for the stability and unity of the states in the region. The Kurdish question is not only connected with the political identity of the Kurds and their willingness to create their own state, but also with their economic weakness and poverty which has caused a violent ethnic conflict between government forces and the Kurdistan Workers Party in Turkey. This paper is aimed at better understanding and analysis of the Kurdish issue in Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, which are Kurds’ homelands in the Middle East.

PL

Celem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza sytuacji i genezy mniejszości kurdyjskiej w wybranych państwach na Bliskim Wschodzie. Współcześnie wzrost kurdyjskiego nacjonalizmu stanowi wyzwanie dla stabilności i unitarności państw regionu. Jest to kwestia związana nie tylko z potrzebą tożsamości politycznej mniejszości kurdyjskiej i dążeniem do stworzenia własnego państwa, ale przede wszystkim z niedorozwojem gospodarczym i społecznym regionów kurdyjskich. Najwięcej Kurdów zamieszkuje na terytorium południowo – wschodniej Turcji. Państwo to od wielu lat boryka się z problemem terroryzmu Partii Pracujących Kurdystanu. Tym samym kwestię kurdyjską należy analizować uwzględniając szereg uwarunkowań politycznych, kulturowych, społecznych i gospodarczych stanowiących specyfikę państw zamieszkałych przez tą mniejszość.

15

Rola czynnika kurdyjskiego w syryjskiej wojnie domowej

71%

Szkudlarek M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 1

299-313

EN

The Syrian civil war is one of the most important problems which the international community is currently facing, but which remains unsolved since its beginning in March 2011. The high level of complexity of the conflict, the multiplicity of participants and difficulties in recognizing their true intentions make finding possible solutions less probable as the months go by. All this chaos results in the underestimation of the Kurdish factor, which is often, especially because of the increasing role of radical Islamic groups, belittled by some commentators and analysts. Moreover, the lack of unitary organizational structures that can be recognized as a representation of the interests of the Kurdish community living in the territory of Syria, its internal divisions, and the disability in creating the commonly accepted leadership makes regarding the Kurds as a uniform and internally coherent party in the war impossible. The aim of the paper is to present the role of various Kurdish organizations participating in the conflict and analyze the connections and divisions which make the Kurds unable to create a homogenous.

PL

Trwająca od marca 2011 roku syryjska wojna domowa pozostaje jednym z najbardziej aktualnych problemów, przed jakimi stoi społeczność międzynarodowa, która dotychczas nie zdołała wypracować skutecznego jego rozwiązania. Wysoki stopień skomplikowania konfliktu, wielość biorących w nim udział stron i trudności w określeniu rzeczywistych intencji poszczególnych jego aktorów, powodują, że znalezienie takiego rozwiązania z każdym miesiącem staje się coraz mniej prawdopodobne. Efektem tego chaosu jest niedostrzeganie przez wielu komentatorów i analityków znaczenia czynnika kurdyjskiego, który zwłaszcza wobec wzrastającej roli radykalnych organizacji islamskich bywa niedoceniany. Jednocześnie, brak jednolitych struktur reprezentujących interesy społeczności kurdyjskiej zamieszkującej terytorium Syrii, wewnętrzne w niej podziały i nieumiejętność wyłonienia szeroko akceptowanego przywództwa powodują, że nie sposób mówić o Kurdach jako jednolitej, spójnej stronie konfliktu. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie roli, jaką poszczególne ugrupowania kurdyjskie odgrywają w syryjskiej wojnie domowej, relacji, jakie je łączą i istniejących pomiędzy nimi głębokich podziałów, powodujących, że nie są oni w stanie stworzyć jednolitego frontu, dążącego do realizacji wspólnego celu.

16

Powstanie, rozwój i ewolucja działalności Partii Pracujących Kurdystanu

63%

Jomma F., Tillo K.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA

|

2014

|

issue 27

123-138

EN

The authors in their work suggests that the rise of the extreme movement of political orientation, the PKK in Turkey, was a response to an organized state terror against the Kurdish demands for independence. According to them, the granting of rights of Kurdish federal regions and giving them autonomy can help resolve the conflict, to strengthen the position of Turkey in the Middle East, and help to rigorous accession negotiations with the European Union.

PL

Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia sprawę kurdyjską w Turcji na przykładzie Partii Pracującej Kurdystanu (PKK), która od 1984 roku nieustannie walczy w Turcji o prawa narodowe dla Kurdów. Początkowo domagała się ona niepodległości, a z czasem zaczęła walczyć o prawa narodowe Kurdów w Turcji. Liberalizacja poglądów PKK wynika z faktu, że jej przywódca A. Öcalan, który odsiaduje wyrok dożywotniego pozbawienia wolności, próbuje wywrzeć wpływ na swoich zwolenników i złagodzić charakter ich działalności, ponieważ przedstawiciele władzy tureckiej najpierw potajemnie, a następnie jawnie prowadzili z nim rozmowy dotyczące rozwiązania trudnej kwestii kurdyjskiej. Pomimo odsiadywania wyroku Öcalan pozostał symbolicznym przywódcą PKK, a jego słowa motywują działaczy organizacji do zmiany sposobu walki na bardziej pokojowy. PKK pod naciskiem Turcji została wpisana na listy organizacji terrorystycznych w wielu państwach, w tym w Stanach Zjednoczonych i Unii Europejskiej. Jednak władze tych państw tolerują działalność PKK, mając na uwadze fakt, że kwestia kurdyjska w Turcji nie została

17

Europejska i międzynarodowa reakcja na referendum niepodległościowe w irackim Kurdystanie

63%

Jomma F.

Przegląd Europejski

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2018

|

vol. 2018(2)

201-227

PL

This paper attempts to analyse independence aspirations of Iraqi Kurds. It considers issues of legal solutions used by Kurds in regard to institution of referendum. The paper analyses problems which hindered cooperation between Kurdistan Regional Government and Federal Government of Iraq. Moreover it highlights uniqueness of the region in lights of Iraqi constitutional solutions from 2005. The author puts forward a thesis that convening a referendum in 2017 was too hasty and refers to international opinion being a reaction to independence aspirations of Iraqi Kurds. Przedmiotem niniejszej analizy są dążenia niepodległościowe Kurdów irackich. Rozważaniom zostały poddane kwestie dotyczące rozwiązań prawnych związanych z wykorzystaniem przez Kurdów instytucji referendum. W artykule przeanalizowano problemy utrudniające współpracę między rządem Regionu Irackiego Kurdystanu a rządem federalnym Republiki Iraku. Uwypuklono także wyjątkowość tego regionu z perspektywy rozwiązań konstytucyjnych przyjętych w Iraku w 2005 r. W artykule postawiono tezę, że zorganizowanie głosowania ludowego w 2017 r. przez Kurdów było działaniem zbyt pochopnym. Odwołano się w nim także do międzynarodowej opinii, w tym europejskiej, będącej reakcją na dążenia niepodległościowe irackich Kurdów.

18

Patrząc na Jezydów od strony Araratu

63%

Rodziewicz A.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

|

2015

|

issue 1-2

43-57

EN

The article presents an extended review and polemic with The Religion of the Peacock Angel. The Yezidis and Their Spirit World, the latest book of Armenian specialists in Iranian studies, Garnik Asatrian and Victoria Arakelova. It refers, among other things, to the question of Yezidis’ ethnicity, to classifying Yezidism as monotheism and to the role of Sheikh Adi Ibn Musafir in the formation of the Yezidi theology.

19

Operation Olive Branch

63%

Smoleń K.

Facta Simonidis

|

2019

|

issue 12

61-84

EN

The empirical goal of this paper is to conduct an in-depth analysis of Operation Olive Branch, with special attention to its underlying circumstances, timeline, and impacts. In order to tackle these aspects of the topic, I formulate the following hypotheses. First, three primary factors ultimately led to an armed offensive by a geopolitically diminished Turkey: the risk of further of expansion of Kurdish influence in northern Syria (a likely scenario in the case of continued support from the United States), the Assad regime’s attack on Sunni rebels in the province of Idlib, and the regional rivalry with Iran. Second, Russia’s approval for Turkey’s intervention in Afrin strengthened the tactical alliance between the two states. At the same time, it increased Turkey’s geopolitical dependence on Russia in the Middle East. Third, Operation Olive Branch generated serious repercussions for Turkey on the international stage. On the regional level, given the disapproving reactions of Iran, Iraq, and Syria, Turkey has found itself isolated in its campaign against Kurdish aspirations to autonomy. On the international level, the operation has exacerbated the crisis in the relations between Turkey and the United States, which may ultimately produce an existential threat to the integrity of NATO. The article confirms all of the stated hypotheses.

PL

Celem podjętych badań jest analiza operacji militarnej „Gałązka Oliwna”, z uwzględnieniem jej uwarunkowań, przebiegu i skutków. Dla potrzeb podjętego problemu przyjęto kilka założeń badawczych. Po pierwsze, ryzyko poszerzenia wpływów Kurdów na północy Syrii, prawdopodobne w przypadku trwałego zaangażowania się Stanów Zjednoczonych w pomoc im; atak Al-Assada na rebeliantów w prowincji Idlib; a także regionalną rywalizację z Iranem należy uznać za zmienne, które zdecydowały o ofensywie Turcji na Afrin. Po drugie, zgoda Rosji na ofensywę Republiki Turcji w prowincji Afrin oznacza umocnienie taktycznego partnerstwa pomiędzy tymi podmiotami. Jednocześnie zwiększa ona geopolityczną zależność Turcji od Rosji w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu. Po trzecie, zaangażowanie Turcji w operację „Gałązka Oliwna” wywołuje poważne międzynarodowe reperkusje dla tego państwa. W wymiarze regionalnym, z uwagi na krytykę ze strony Iranu, Iraku i Syrii, czyni je samotnym w walce z Kurdami. W wymiarze międzynarodowym pogłębia natomiast kryzys w relacjach Turcji ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi. To w dalszej perspektywie może zagrażać spójności Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego.

20

Źródła tożsamości narodowej Kurdów

63%

Pochyły P.

Przegląd Narodowościowy – Review of Nationalities

|

2013

|

issue 2

113-128

EN

Kurds as a nation has always Bern self-reliance. Nomadic style of life and ability to survive hostile attacks made them very valuable a mercenaries in many wars conducted by their neighbours. Kurdistan was also some kind of a buffer where many contradicted interests and politics has been set against each other. Kurds profess islam, they speak in a few dialects of kurdish lanuguage and live today in 4 countries in the Middle East (Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Syria). Kurds in Iraq have Autonomy with president, government, parliament, police and army. *ey are dreaming about future and independent Kurdistan

Refine search results

Perspectives of the Kurdish knot in the Middle East

Wpływ wojny hybrydowej w Syrii na pozycję Kurdów w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu

The Kurds in the Former Soviet States from the Historical and Cultural Perspectives

Policy of the Russian Federation towards Kurds in the Syrian Conflict

Kurds in the Middle East in the context of plurality of identities

KURDISH IDENTITY AND SPORTS IN TURKEY: THE CASE OF AMEDSPOR

Kwestia kurdyjska w stosunkach ormiańsko-azerbejdżańskich

Kurdská komunita v České republice

Indigeneity Discourse within Kurdish Political Movement

Current status of Kurdish culture in Turkey. Ethnical and national identity of Kurdish people in Istanbul and Diyarbakir − study field research

The Kurd Issue in the Middle East

Milete min Êzîd. The Uniqueness of the Yezidi Concept of the Nation

The Securitisation of Kurdish Self-Determination as A Challenge for the Sectarian Balance of Power in the Middle East

The Kurd Issue in the Middle East

Rola czynnika kurdyjskiego w syryjskiej wojnie domowej

Powstanie, rozwój i ewolucja działalności Partii Pracujących Kurdystanu

Europejska i międzynarodowa reakcja na referendum niepodległościowe w irackim Kurdystanie

Patrząc na Jezydów od strony Araratu

Operation Olive Branch

Źródła tożsamości narodowej Kurdów