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EN
The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 60, issue 3 (2012). The article analyzes the original and rare Roman military phraseology found in surviving works of literature, which is part of the convention of invectives against women. As testified by the surviving fragments of the Law of the Twelve Tables, the Roman civilization divided the sphere of men’s activities (politics and war) from the sphere of women’s activities (home and family) quite early. Literature imbued with didacticism supported this division by creating archetypal figures of ideal representatives of both genders. In the course of development it worked out a stereotyped phraseology that served the purpose of describing virtutes feminae and, separately, men’s virtues, corresponding to the spheres ascribed to them. Any breach of the order established by tradition (mores maiorum) and law encountered severe reprimands, which nevertheless remained within the rhetorical convention of vituperatio. The two texts by outstanding rhetors that are analyzed here—Cato the Elder’s speech against the repeal of the Oppian law (AUC 34, 2-4) by Livy and Marcus Tullius Cicero’s speech Pro Caelio—supply examples of the use of military phraseology, usually used to describe typically male activities, in descriptions of women’s behavior. In the case of Marcus Porcius Cato’s speech, vocabulary belonging to the field of military science (agmen, expugnare, obsidere, coniuratio, seditio) serves the purpose of inducing fear in the men listening to him. In this way, by using the threat of power being seized in the republic by women, the consul motivated patres familias to act and not to yield to women. In the case of Cicero’s speech, military rhetoric was used to ridicule and embarrass Clodia Metelli as a credible witness for the prosecution in the trial of Marcus Caelius Rufus. Aggressive and at times obscene humor was supposed to divert the listeners’ attention from the defense’s lack of arguments concerning the substance of the trial. The original military phraseology used by both authors serves definite practical aims. What is more, its artistic dimension is decidedly pushed into the background. Cicero’s and Livy’s surprising idea allows us, on the one hand, to appreciate their ingeniousness in the field of rhetoric and their conscious rejection of conventions; on the other, it helps the contemporary reader of ancient texts realize the fact that men of the period of the Republic found it difficult to keep women within the limits imposed by tradition. They were forced to resort to sophisticated verbal argumentation in order to convince the judges and politicians (in both these groups patres familias prevailed) about the real threat posed by the ones in their charge.
PL
The article analyses the casus of beating Carthaginian envoys in 188 BC and the effects that this act exerted on the grounds of international law, sacral norms and, at a later time, on the grounds of criminal regulations laid by the Romans. Those issues are analyzed on the basis of the account by Titus Livius (38.42.7) and Valerius Maximus (6.6.3). The analysis demonstrates that emissaries dispatched to other peoples were protected by immunity and it also indicates the way in which envoys were chosen in the republican Rome, as well as the customs related to their reception. It is also presented in the article what types of behaviour might have been perceived as violations of envoys’ immunity and what sanctions were faced by those perpetrating such acts. On the grounds of ius gentium there was a threat of declaring war, which could be averted only if the perpetrator was delivered to the affected community. On the grounds of sacral law, it was assumed that a deed of that nature entailed sacrilegium, and a blame could not be in any way removed from an individual. However, the whole society could be remitted their guilt by delivering the wrongdoer to the injured party. Further, the text analyzes the proceedings in the case of causing bodily harm to Punic envoys – the actions undertaken by the urban praetor and the procedure of delivering the perpetrators (deditio) to Carthaginians, carried out by the fetiales.
PL
Aleksander z Epiru przybył do Italii w 334/333 roku p .n .e . aby wspomóc Tarent w walce z tubylcami . Najobszerniejsze opisy tej wyprawy znajdujemy w dziełach Liwiusza i Pompejusza Trogusa (znanego nam za pośrednictwem Justyna) . Głównymi przeciwnikami Aleksandra byli Lukanowie i Bruttiowie, w walkach z którymi odnosił liczne sukcesy – zdobywając ich miasta i gromiąc połączone siły lukańsko-samnickie w bitwie koło Paestum . Jednocześnie prowadził też akcję dyplomatyczną, pozostając w sojuszu nie tylko z miastami greckimi, lecz także z częścią tubylców, w tym z ludami Apulii (Messapiami) . Niewątpliwie rdzenni mieszkańcy Italii zajmowali ważne miejsce w jego politycznych planach stworzenia nowego układu sił w południowej części Półwyspu Apenińskiego . Te ambitne zamierzenia zniweczyła jednak śmierć króla w starciu koło lukańskiej Pandozji .
EN
Alexander of Epirus arrived in Italy in 334/333 BC to support Taranto in fighting the natives . The most comprehensive descriptions of this expedition are found in the works of Livy and Pompeius Trogus (known to us through Justin) . The main opponents of Alexander were the Lucanians and Bruttians, against whom he fought and was successful – conquering their cities and defeating the combined Lucanian-Samnite forces in the battle near Paestum . At the same time, he carried out a diplomatic action, remaining in the alliance not only with Greek cities, but also with part of the natives, including the peoples of Puglia (Messapians) . Undoubtedly, the indigenous people of Italy played a crucial role in attaining his political goal to create a new balance of power in the southern part of the Apennine Peninsula . This ambitious plan, however, was ruined by the death of the king in a clash near Pandosia .
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