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EN
The article considers relations between economy and culture focusing on the concept of cultural capital. I discuss different uses of the notion of capital as an analytical category in the discourse of social sciences. Then, I analyze Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital in the context of its specific interplay with Marx’s heritage. The main thesis of this text is the claim that both of them used capital in extra-economical meaning and cultural capital in Bourdieu’s theory is nothing more (and nothing less) then symbolic capital. Moreover, the argumentation shows that a basic Marxist dichotomy between economic and cultural causes (base/superstructure) becomes nowadays irrelevant.
EN
There have been several criticisms of Object-Oriented Ontology (OOO) from the political Left. Perhaps the most frequent one has been that OOO’s aspiration to speak of objects apart from all their relations runs afoul of Marx’s critique of “commodity fetishism.” The main purpose of this article is to show that even a cursory reading of the sections on commodity in Marx’s Capital does not support such an accusation. For Marx, the sphere of entities that are not commodities is actually quite wide, including all the beings of nature not subject to exchange, as well as bartered goods, and tithes and rents paid in kind to feudal lords. In short, the theory of commodity fetishism is a theory of v a l u e, not an anti-realist theory of b e i n g, and thus does not touch on OOO at all. In closing, I make some brief comments on Marx’s relation to Kantian formalism and to Heidegger’s famous account of present-at-hand (vorhanden) and ready-to-hand (zuhanden).
EN
The paper is oriented at analysing the human ability to change in relation to Marx’s thoughts as well as the followers of his ideas. The aim is to try to identify the causes and premises that enable or hinder the human ability to take action to change, but also to see its possibilities. Therefore, the issues of identity, current class divisions and the related awareness of individuals and social groups, sense of subjectivity, but also changes resulting from the development of technology will become important. A major point of the analysis is also the issue of the freedom of contemporary humans in post-modern world.
EN
In the paper, the author describes one of currents in Marx-inspired arts and aesthetics, as present in post-war Poland. The first part focuses on the aesthetic views of Marx and Engels. The second one analyzes the ideological background of social realism in the light of the Polish philosophy (Stefan Morawski “Why the Artwork Should Be Realistic?”). The third one offers a counterpoint by introducing an alternative model of Marx-inspired realism, as perceived by Władysław Strzemiński (from “The Theory of Vision”) and Morawski (in the review of Strzemiński's essay). The conclusion uses Morawski's-own article (“About the Realism As an Artistic Category”) to undermine the concept of social realism as built on wrong and ahistorical interpretations of Marx and Engels.
EN
In the article I tried to conduct a comparative analiysis of Marx's historical materialism and the theory of social fields by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. In the first step I discussed the two conceptions separately, to compare them in the second part of the text. Of course the short form of article do not provide enough space to perform a very thorough analysis, so I concentrated on this aspect of the two theories which in my opinion are the most important. I wanted to show the even if Bourdieu criticized Marx - from the left side - he also took his intellectual heritage seriously and did not throw Marx away, but tried to modifiy his thought in some areas which - in his opinion - were indefensible.
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EN
This article constitutes a contribution to the critique of the political economy of contemporary higher education. Its notes form, intended to open "windows" on the thorny issue of metrics permeating academia on both the local/national and global levels, facilitates a conceptualization of the academic law of value as a mechanism responsible for regulating the tempo and speed of academic labor in a higher education system subsumed under capital. First, it begins with a presentation of the Marxist approach to acceleration and measure. Second, it presents the academic law of value as a socially necessary impact/time. Third, it conceptualizes a figure of capital that operates in the contemporary global higher education system ("transnational association of capitals"). Fourth, it describes the conditions of operation of merchant capital within higher education and explores the close links of global university rankings, metadata providers, and the academic publishing industry. As a fifth and final point, the analysis turns to Central Eastern Europe and the case study of Poland to demonstrate that, to function properly, the academic law of value needs to be imposed by political means, that is, through policy reforms that establish and legitimize the sets of parameters and criteria for the evaluation of academic labor. In conclusion, the argument suggests that the domination of merchant capital over academic labor, resulting in the latter's ongoing and uncontrolled acceleration, cannot be overcome without addressing not so much the issue of private property but, first and foremost, the politically and socially defined metrics.
CS
Studie představuje příspěvek ke kritice politické ekonomie současného vyššího vzdělávání. Klade si za cíl prozkoumat problematiku metrik, které prostupují akademickým prostředím, a to jak na lokální/národní tak i globální úrovni. Formou poznámek autor konceptualizuje zákon akademické hodnoty jakožto mechanismus usměrňující tempo a rychlost práce v akademickém systému v němž převažuje logika kapitálu. V prvé řadě předkládá analýza marxistický pohled na zrychlení a měření; za druhé, konceptualizuje zákon akademické hodnoty jakožto společensky nezbytný impakt/čas. Za třetí, studie analyzuje charakter kapitálu, který operuje v současném systému globální akademie ("transnacionální asociace kapitálů"). Za čtvrté, studie popisuje podmínky fungování kupeckého kapitálu v akademii a zkoumá úzké propojení globálních žebříčků univerzit, poskytovatelů metadat a akademického publikačního průmyslu. Pátý a poslední bod se zaměřuje na středovýchodní Evropu, především na Polsko. Tímto předkládaná analýza dokládá, že proto, aby zákon akademické hodnoty fungoval, musí být zaveden politickými prostředky. To znamená skrze reformu politik, které ustavují a legitimizují soubor parametrů a kritérií pro hodnocení akademické práce. V závěru studie tvrdí, že dominance kupeckého kapitálu nad akademickou prací nemůže být překonána bez toho, aniž bychom se zaměřili především na politicky a sociálně definované metriky spíše než na otázku soukromého majetku.
EN
One of the constitutive assumptions for Marx and Engels’ thought was to criticise the Enlightenment’s idea of revolution in school education. This education, which was an elite right in their time, did not become an object of independent reflection. The workers’ movement identified it with self-education. Intelligence with schooling. The development of schooling pushed towards the transfer of political struggle to the school. Educational policy in countries ruled by authoritarian parties appealing to Marxism and in countries where movements appealing to Marxism had an impact on education became a new problem. The current profound crisis of these phenomena makes us ask questions about the logic of their development and the reasons for the current breakdown.
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EN
In his Poetics, Vida extols the hexameter, versus heroicus, as the noblest metre. Although he recommends Virgil as the most perfect model for imitation, he himself uses the much freer hexameter of Horace, who not always takes care to make the ictus agree with the word accent in the last two feet, and sometimes breaks the Laws of Lachmann-Norden, Haupt and Marx. Thanks to the critical edition of Vida’s didactic poem, it is possible to observe the author’s work on the metre – he eliminates some clumsy lines that occur mainly in the Poetics preserved in the Venturi Codex (V).
EN
The essay deals with the issue of contemporary Marxist notions of exploitation, using Monika Abucewicz’s recent book as a point of reference. It is indeed the case, as Abucewicz claims, that there are in the Marxist camp two distinct approaches to the issue of exploitation, which could be roughly rendered as a political and economic theory of exploitation, respectively. It should be kept in mind, however, that Marx himself subscribed definitely to the economic perspective, and what is being dubbed political perspective on exploitation is a much later invention, and-as it is demonstrated in the essay-much less valuable, if not outright misleading. Among other things, the said framework does not respect an inherent to Marx's approach differentiation between the economy and polity, wherein the latter -identified with the state domain-is being conceived as based on the means of public coercion, which both for Marx, Trotsky, and Max Weber or Florian Znaniecky, for that matter, constituted the hallmark of this sphere, distinguishing it from the economic structure.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2014
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vol. 13
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issue 3
23-37
PL
When Bruno Latour says that “we have never been modern,” he means only to recognize that the ‘actually living’ of modernity (or the temporal duration we’ve often categorized as ‘modernity’) is something altogether different (and far more complicated) than the theoretical apparatus by which academic intellectuals use to describe and categorize it. The modern condition, then, involves a separation between the socio-economic creation of ‘hybrid objects’ and theoretical reflection on society. This reflection takes the form of ‘purification,’ or a clear distinction between nature and culture, science and politics. Drawing upon Charles Dickens’ last completed novel, Our Mutual Friend, as well as Marx, I will argue that already in Victorian England we can find coherent representations of modernity that defy Latour’s high standard of actualized purification (or a visible ‘reality’ that conforms to our purified categorizations). That is, in Dickens and Marx we can find a literary-economic discourse of ‘modernity’ (which may also be Victorian post-humanism) that already recognized the failure of ‘purification’ as the result of expansive capitalism.
Nowa Krytyka
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2017
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issue 38
217 – 234
EN
Report from The Second International Conference on Marxism and Socialism in the 21st Century, Wuhan, China.
Nowa Krytyka
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2015
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vol. 35
131-150
EN
This paper reports the results of a pilot survey conducted among the shipyard workers from Gdansk and Gdynia. The objective of the study was to diagnose the social mobility of those workers. We focused on the mechanisms behind the position change for both the workers and their adult children. Intragenerational mobility was captured by an examination of two moments of shipbuilders professional biographies. The first involved the late 70’s and early 80’s, the second refered to the current class position. At the same time, the contemporary class position of the adult children of the shipyard workers was studied, which allowed us to examine intergenerational mobility as well. Three research questions were answered using the empirical evidence: − Has the class position of shipyard workers changed? In other words; whether they have gone from working class to another great social class (eg. petty bourgeoisie, capitalist class, service class, etc.). − Has the specific intraclass position of workers changed? − Does the class position of children differ from the position of the parents? The terminology used above clearly indicates our interest in class positions. Class can be called a collection of people involved identical positions in the social division of labor and ownership or how Jacek Tittenbrun puts it: “groups of people which differ from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of economic acti-vity (i.e. production, exchange, transport, finance and services)” (Tittenbrun 2011, 188 –189). As noted above, in the first part of the study we describe shipbuilders’ class position in the early 80s and also their current position. Class position of the workers was finally compared to the current class position of their offspring. In this paper the preliminary results are presented. Particular attention is devoted to the changes in the stability of employment. We discuss how the working condition of the shipyard workers changed as well as we compare the stability of employment of parents and children.
EN
During a radio debate in 1964, Bloch and Adorno clashed over the status of Utopia in Marx’s thinking. In particular, the disagreement concerned the possibilities (or, rather, limitations) of picturing – with Marx and beyond Marx – a condition in which all societal antagonisms have been reconciled. It is telling, then, that their conversation quickly came to turn on a surprising term: the Old Testament interdiction against making images of God. Given both authors’ commitment to an ostensibly secular critique of capitalist modernity, the prominence of this figure, which is emblematic of the decades-long exchange between these authors, invites further questions. What, for instance, are the epistemic and aesthetic conditions under which Bloch and Adorno propose to present their Marxian Utopias? By considering these questions in light of issues arising from their debate, and applying it to their writings more generally, mypaper aims to contribute to the on-going exploration of “Utopia” in German Critical Theory.
EN
Capitalist civilisation is based on abstract labour. Mainstream Marxism has devel-oped within a movement based on the defence of abstract labour and this has shaped its understanding. Savage Marxism starts from the first, not the second, sentence of Capital and moves against abstract labour through an underworld of categories usually neglect-ed. Hope lies latent in this underworld.
EN
The paper sets out to present an outline of what is in fact a fully-fledged social theory, termed socioeconomic structural ism. The paper focuses on a number of concepts regarding the economic sphere, such as property and various types of labor. The style of presentation is-although not deliberate drawn on-nevertheless akin to that of Weber’s.
EN
While Marx’s critique of David Ricardo is frequently debated, Marx’s critique of Samuel Bailey has, for far too long, remained in the shade. I try to show that Ricardo and Bailey represent two fundamental “moments” of Marx’s Darstellung. The word “moment” is here used in a non-generic sense: Ricardo’s and Bailey’s theories of value represent two opposite and contradictory sides of value’s category as presented in Marx’s critique of political economy. Building on the work of Hans Georg Backhaus, who claims that the first chapter of Volume one of the Capital can be understood only as a metacritique of Bailey’s critique of Ricardo, this topic is developed in order to further clarify the connection of critique and presentation in Marx’s theory.
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