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Nurt SVD
|
2020
|
issue 1
383-395
EN
The question asked in this article was: How Gu Hongming attained to interpret Confucianism in such a way that it seemed for Europeans as equal to Christianity or even suppressing it? Gu Hongming interpreted Confucianism in such a way that it was fitting to understanding of religion promoted by liberal theology. He introduced Confucianism as religion in a sense, that it was concerned only with pure morality, just like Christianity was in its essence, as in Matthew Arnold’s writings. Then he claimed that having no supernatural elements, Confucianism is more compatible with contemporary European thought than Christian religion. Furthermore, he not only stated the compatibility of Confucian teachings with contemporary European thought, but also pointed out that if religion has to be valued according to its performance on the field of morality, then Confucianism is working better than Christianity, because Chinese people live in peace. In the end it is worth to notice that the nineteenth century liberal theology lost its popularity after the Second World War. Gu Hongming was forgotten even earlier.
PL
Pytanie przewodnie tego artykułu brzmi: Jak udało się Gu Hongmingowi zinterpretować konfucjanizm w taki sposób, że Europejczykom wydawał się równy chrześcijaństwu, a nawet go przewyższał? Gu Hongming interpretował konfucjanizm w taki sposób, aby pasował do rozumienia religii propagowanej przez teologię liberalną. Przedstawił konfucjanizm jako religię zainteresowaną przede wszystkim czystą moralnością, czyli tak, chrześcijaństwo było w swojej istocie, a wszystko tak, jak w pismach Matthew Arnolda. Następnie twierdził, że nie mając elementów nadprzyrodzonych konfucjanizm jest bardziej zgodny z myślą europejską niż religia chrześcijańska. Co więcej, stwierdził nie tylko zgodność nauk konfucjańskich z ówczesną myślą europejską, ale także wskazał, że jeśli religię trzeba docenić zgodnie ze swoimi osiągnięciami na polu moralności konfucjanizm działa lepiej niż chrześcijaństwo, ponieważ Chińczycy żyją w pokoju. Na koniec warto zauważyć, że dziewiętnastowieczna teologia liberalna straciła popularność po II wojnie światowej. Sam Gu Hongming został zapomniany nawet wcześniej.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the achievements of Matthew Arnold’s in the development of European comparative education and to show his views on the changes in education in 19th century England against the background of other European countries. In the works on comparative education, a French writer Marc-Antoine Jullien de Paris (1775–1848) is regarded as one of precursors of this scientific field (currently treated as a pedagogical subdiscipline), however, as also emphasized by Józef Miąso, the British comparativists: Matthew Arnold, Thomas Darlington and Robert Morant have significantly contributed to the development of European comparative education1. The achievements of British educators, sociologists and historians in this area are underestimated and almost unknown in Poland.The development of English educational system in 19th century was different in many ways from other educational systems in continental Europe, so that the works of English comparativists, such as Matthew Arnold are unique and very important for better understanding of the historical development of comparative research methodology and also the specifics of English schools system.The article also proves that comparative education is a very important field of scientific research and played major role in planning the reforms of educational systems in many countries mainly in XIX and XX century. M. Arnold’s analyses could be still valid in XXI century.The study used the method of documental analysis, original Matthew Arnold’s works in the field of education and English-language scientific publications dealing with his achievements in the field of popularizing comparative studies. A new overview of M. Arnold’s achievement will ensure the use of sociological analyzes.
PL
British messianism and British millenarianism evolving between 1650 and 1800 (according to Richard H. Popkin) cannot be simply transferred into the ideas of Polish messianism and Polish millenarianism; however, the protocol of differences seems inspiring enough to open a space for appropriate ideological and personal comparisons. In this study I have attempted to bring closer together Kazimierz Brodziński’s concept of the ‘Slavic antiquity’ confronted with Samuel Richardson’s ‘Anglo-Saxon antiquity;’ I also collided with each other Gilberte Cheyne’s concept of mystical somatism and the Genesis concept of the body and corporeality developed by Juliusz Słowacki (there are more similarities in this case – for example the vision of Cheyne’s Paradise of the Faithful and Słowacki’s ‘Solar Jerusalem’). Polish messianism, in contrast to the British one, tends to deterritorialize the category of the nation and replace concepts of this sort with a project of embodied, instantiated eschatology, verbalized among others in Zygmunt Krasiński’s About the Position of Poland from the Divine and Human Vantage Point. In contrast to British messianism, scientific or semi-scientific, the Polish one has the potential to generate a system, is poetic and freely dialectical in accordance with the principle loosening reflection: disputandi more, asserendi more. This is evident in various and at first glance unexpected juxtapositions: including the concept of messianism as a liberating, decolonizing project in George Berkeley’s and Cyprian Norwid’s thinking, or the messianic idea of reading the Bible in the mirabilistic, irrational key of August Cieszkowski (God and Palingenesis) as well as in the anti-mirabilistic, rational key of Matthew Arnold (God and the Bible).
EN
British messianism and British millenarianism evolving between 1650 and 1800 (according to Richard H. Popkin) cannot be simply transferred into the ideas of Polish messianism and Polish millenarianism; however, the protocol of differences seems inspiring enough to open a space for appropriate ideological and personal comparisons. In this study I have attempted to bring closer together Kazimierz Brodziński’s concept of the ‘Slavic antiquity’ confronted with Samuel Richardson’s ‘Anglo-Saxon antiquity;’ I also collided with each other Gilberte Cheyne’s concept of mystical somatism and the Genesis concept of the body and corporeality developed by Juliusz Słowacki (there are more similarities in this case – for example the vision of Cheyne’s Paradise of the Faithful and Słowacki’s ‘Solar Jerusalem’). Polish messianism, in contrast to the British one, tends to deterritorialize the category of the nation and replace concepts of this sort with a project of embodied, instantiated eschatology, verbalized among others in Zygmunt Krasiński’s About the Position of Poland from the Divine and Human Vantage Point. In contrast to British messianism, scientific or semi-scientific, the Polish one has the potential to generate a system, is poetic and freely dialectical in accordance with the principle loosening reflection: disputandi more, asserendi more. This is evident in various and at first glance unexpected juxtapositions: including the concept of messianism as a liberating, decolonizing project in George Berkeley’s and Cyprian Norwid’s thinking, or the messianic idea of reading the Bible in the mirabilistic, irrational key of August Cieszkowski (God and Palingenesis) as well as in the anti-mirabilistic, rational key of Matthew Arnold (God and the Bible).
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