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W cieniu Jowisza Dolichenusa, Ojca Libera i Mitry, rec. książki: Csaba Szabó, Sanctuaries in Roman Dacia Materiality and Religious Experience

100%
Jarych A. J.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2020
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issue 21
137-140
2
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Doświadczenie mistyczne w mitraizmie

100%
BIELAWSKI K.
Filozofia Chrześcijańska
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2017
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vol. 14
53-70
EN
The paper attempts to describe and interpret mystical experience in the structure of ancient cult of Mithra in his Roman appearance, following the reconstruction of the myth and cultic customs, based on archeological and iconographical evidence as well as on external sources, mainly coming from the works of Christian writers.
3

Mitra kuju Indias ja Mithra kuju Iraani usundites – uurimus vordlevast mutoloogiast

63%
Lahe J., Martti K.
Mäetagused
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2016
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vol. 65
117-160
EN
This article is a systematic approach to the character of deity, who bears the name Mitra in India, but in Iran is called Mithra (later Mihr). The study aims to give answers to three questions: 1) What are the similarities between the Indian Mitra and the Iranian Mithra, if we leave aside the name of the deity? 2) What are the differences between these two deities? 3) What are the changes that the depiction of Mitra/Mithra has gone through in Indian and Iranian mythologies? To answer these questions, the article first gives an overview of Mitra in India, then of Mithra in Iran, and finally compares the two. Both approaches start with a comprehensive overview of sources. In India the main source for the study of Mitra is Vedic literature (ca 1500/1200–600/500 BC), namely the Rigveda, Atharvaveda, Yajurveda, and Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. These sources are consistent, describing Mitra as a deity connected with the Sun, the incarnation of divine order, harmony, and friendship among mankind. Some light is thrown also on Mitra in post-Vedic literature, mainly in epic literature (ca 300/200 BC–200/300 AD). In Iran, the sources are even more varied. They start with Iranian scripture Avesta (ca 1000–300 BC) and epigraphic sources from Achaemenian dynasty (6th–4th century BC), and continue with written sources from Greek and Roman writers (6th century BC to 3rd century AD), epigraphic material, and data from coins from Kushan (1st –3rd centuries AD) and Sassanid periods (3rd–7th centuries AD), not to forget Pahlavi writings from medieval Persia (7th–10th centuries AD). According to the sources, Iranian Mithra is a divine warrior, ruler of the worlds, judge of the dead, and protector against demons. He is still connected with the Sun, and helps the mankind, but more aggressively than Indian Mitra, who has ceded all his warlike attributes to his dual companion Varuṇa. The article concludes that the cult of Mithra that was so influential in the Mediterranean region has probably borrowed more from Iran than India.
4

Mitra esmamainimine Hetiidi kuninga Suppiluliuma I ja Mitanni kuninga Sattiwaza lepingus?

63%
Lahe J., Sazonov V.
Mäetagused
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2019
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vol. 73
5-14
EN
In 1907 a treaty was found in the Hittite royal archive in Boğazköy. It was forged between the Hittite king Šuppiluliuma I and the Mitanni king Šatiwaza. Among the deities named in this contract is DINGIR.MEŠ Mi-it-ra-aš-ši-il. This is usually understood to refer to the god Mitra. However, the authors of this article draw attention to the fact that the name occurs in the plural form; the divine classifier DINGIR (“god” before Mitra’s name) is written in the plural form DINGIR.MEŠ, meaning “gods”. They are of the opinion that it should not be understood as a proper name but as a denomination of a group of deities that one could translate as “gods of the treaties”.
5
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Niektóre aspekty polemiki Septuaginty z kultami misteryjnymi

45%
Laskowski Ł.
The Biblical Annals
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2014
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vol. 4
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issue 2
334-354
EN
This article provides an analysis of the occurrence of basic terms related to the Greek mystery cults in the Septuagint. Such terms as τελεταί, μύσται and θίασοι appeared to be so significant and wide that could be employed in expressing theological views on current reality while translating. Considerably general criticism of initiations seems to reflect the translator’s polemics against traditions which he considered unacceptable in the light of the Yahwist. The Baal-Peor cult (Numbers 25:3,5 and Psalms 105:28 LXX) was perceived by the translator as one of the initiations. The translation of the Book of Amos 7:9 defines the idolatrous temples of Israel as initiations, thus being living institutions and not specific locations. A similar approach can be observed in the translation of the terms qedesha and qadesh. in Deut 23:18, 1 Kgs 15:12 and Hos 4:14, whereas the term θίασοι in translation of Jeremiah 16:5 refers to feasts in the honour of deities. It should be noted, however, that the Septuagint translators’ reference to mystery cults was not their main focus of attention. Translation phenomena observed herein remain rather marginal even in comparison with the writings of Philo or Flavius Josephus. Therefore it can be inferred that the problem in question was a peripheral part of a larger phenomenon, i.e. condemnation of idolatry.
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