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EN
Moldova has become the EU’s closest neighbour in Eastern Europe. Over the past decade, Chișinău has pursued a “European Future,” the fruits of which have been the signing of an Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement with the EU. Despite these momentous steps, strong pro-Russian sentiments and support for integration with Russia prevail with ferocity, as seen in the elections of November 2014. Territorial fractures and the breakaway de facto state of Transnistria, economic vulnerabilities and problems associated with corruption also serve to stymie Molodova’s full modernisation and pursuit of a European trajectory. The open question that prevails is whether the new governing coalition can keep the momentum or whether internal fragilities and outside pressures will have a stunting effect on Moldova’s European path.
EN
In 2009, the Republic of Moldova created an alternative to the communist leadership. In 2013, the Alliance for European Integration was replaced by the Alliance for Pro-European Governance, which secured two issues: the signing of the Association Agreement between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, and the interests of local oligarchs. After the parliamentary elections in 2014, as an alternative to the increasingly powerful Igor Dodon’s Party of Socialists, another coalition, the Political Alliance for European Moldova was created and ‘sealed’ by embezzling $ 1 billion from Moldovan banks (12.5% of GDP). The coalition formed in January 2015, was replaced by the re-launched Alliance for European Integration, and then by another coalition without a definite name in January 2016. This extremely expanded political activity is a backdrop for the façade of democracy and the subsequent parliamentary elections scheduled for 2018. The pro-European coalitions in the Republic of Moldova discredited themselves in front of the society as strongly as their predecessors (the communists), causing a state of general disintegration.
EN
Six documents from the State Archive in Suceava, Romania, have been presented in this article. The author found them during his search query in 2012. The documents come from the 15-17 th centuries. In the Military History part of Rocznik Przemyski it is the first publication of Romanian archive sources, materials concerning military history and the relations between the Republic of Poland and Moldova. These documents are kept abroad and are not well known ro researches, that is why publishing them may be interesting for historians. The publication consists of the introduction to the inventory of documents of the state Archive in Suceava translated by the author and inventory notes of the documents, with photographs of the documents, shot in photo lab of the Suceava Archive.
EN
A sample survey of small and medium-sized farms in Moldova is used to examine the prevalence of different aspects of an "entrepreneurial outlook" in a post-communist transitional economy. Within the range of less than 1 to 100 hectare farms, the most pronounced differences are that operators of larger farms have greater "technical knowledge" of different aspects of high value agricultural production and sales as well as having a greater willingness to deal with "uncertainty and debt."
EN
This research describes the influence that farm size has on gendered involvement in crop cultivation and decision making about what crops to grow where, irrigation and marketing among small and medium-sized farmers in Moldova. Findings reveal that overall crop cultivation is characterized by gendered patterns that vary according to farm size. Overall men have much more input into decision making than do women but women on small farms have more input in decisions than do the women on medium-sized farms. However, women on medium-sized farms are more involved in the diverse range of cultivation activities in terms of labour.
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EN
The purpose of this article is to characterize the relations between Moldova and Russia in the second decade of the 21st century. The author describes influence of presidential elections in Moldova (2016) on Moldovan – Russian relations. The new president, Igor Dodon, wants to return to a strategic partnership with Russia. Presidential activity has improved the relations of Chisinau–Moscow in many areas. The paper also presents problematic issues: Transnistrian case and Moldovan-Ukrainian border. The current diplomatic crisis and the position of the Moldovan government towards Russia are also very important. The author analyzed and interpreted: documents of the Republic of Moldova, official statements by the authorities of Moldova and Russia, interwievs.
EN
The article aims to present the essence of the development of tourism in the Republic of Moldova. It draws attention to the attractiveness of tourism in the context of the development of the region and the social-cultural values of the country’s rural areas. The article makes use of the database of the World Tourism Organisation, the National Bureau of Statistics of the Republic of Moldova and information collected during study visits to the staff of the Association of Tourism Development in Moldova (in Kishinev, the capital city of Moldova, in June and July 2016). Moldova is a small country with a lot of tourist attractions. There are over 15,000 anthropogenic attractions for tourists and over 300 nature areas. In 2014, 96,000 tourists visited Moldova (7.5% more than in the preceding year), generating $226 million in revenues. There were seven providers of tourist services in 2005, and there were already 26 in 2015. The author was a co-founder of four agritourism clusters in Moldova developed within an international project.
EN
The author, following an analysis of the above‑mentioned Agreement, claims that Article 10 thereof, containing taxation provisions, meets the requirements of Article 89 (1) (5) of the Constitution. In his view, the Agreement should be ratified upon prior consent granted by statute, which means that the procedure for its ratification proposed by the Council of Ministers (on the basis of Article 89(2)) is improper.
EN
The aim of the article is to identify and characterize the most important challenges facing Moldova in the context of the dynamic process of its accession to the European Union (EU) in the second decade of the 21st century. The research hypothesis of the article is as follows: Moldova’s rapid participation in the EU is hindered by many vital internal problems which must be solved by the centre of power in Chisinau. In this context, the answers to the following research questions seem to be very important: • What economic and social challenges does Moldova have to face? • What political challenges does Moldova have to address? • How do the Moldovan authorities respond to these challenges? The author divided the challenges into two categories: economic and social challenges on the one hand, and political challenges on the other. This division was inspired by the Copenhagen Criteria adopted by the European Council in 1993, which are a set of criteria that must be met by a state in order to be accepted into the European Community. In the case of the first group of challenges, the following phenomena were distinguished and presented as the most important: the economic weakness of the state, the problem of labour migrations, the issue of human trafficking. Among the policy challenges, corruption, instability of the authorities and the lack of full control over the territory of the state were presented. In the course of the research, methods and techniques characteristic of political sciences were used, among others: analysis of documents, secondary analysis of quantitative research, deduction. Due to the subject of the article, the events of the second decade of the 21st century were considered as priorities.
EN
This article shows how Moldova’s weak political state, anemic economy, and cultural frag- mentation are interestingly key contributors to the country’s media pluralism. Print and broadcast journalists from Moldovan-language and Russian-language media in Moldova represent a variety of views, ranging from independent coverage to advocacy journalism, according to several national and international monitoring groups. Yet the country has endured governmental, financial, and ethnic instability during the 17 years since its independence from the Soviet Union. This analysis shows how such instability can fuel media diversity, rather than quash it. The findings expand what is known about media pluralism by demonstrating how it can grow in seemingly inhospitable environments.
Raport
|
2016
|
vol. 11
189-225
EN
The article presents an overview of the use of geomagnetic method in the prehistoric studies in the Republic of Moldova. Information on 34 surveys has been compiled in order to reveal both the scientific results of geophysical prospection and the perspectives for future work. As a result, the doubtless importance of geophysics for settlement studies is underlined, providing striking insights into settlement layouts from the early Neolithic to the Copper Age.
EN
Since the dissolution of the USSR, students from Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova have been able to study at Polish universities on the basis of bilateral agreements between the Polish government and the governments of the respective countries. The purpose of this article is to analyse the legal basis enabling the citizens of these three countries to obtain education in Poland, analyse the numbers of such students and the principles and procedures they followed to begin studies at Polish universities in 1993–2014. The research hypothesis is as follows: the range of scholarships offered has contributed to an increase in the number of students from Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova at Polish universities. The following research methods were used in this study: analysis of source materials, comparative analysis and statistical data analysis. Analysis of data for the relevant period demonstrated a systematic year-to-year increase in the number of citizens of these three countries arriving to study in Poland. The largest group of students arrived from Ukraine and the smallest – from Moldova. In 1997, the largest share of students of Polish descent was among the students from Belarus, and in 2013 – among the students from Ukraine. The number of government scholarships for Belarusian, Ukrainian and Moldavian students increased, particularly after the launch of the Eastern Partnership. Initially, the greatest number of scholarships were awarded to students from Ukraine, and as of the academic year 2006/2007 – to students from Belarus. Moldavian students received the fewest scholarships. Initially, students from Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova did not undertake paid-for studies. This situation changed after Poland’s inclusion in the EU structures. Starting from the academic year 2006/2007, the number of students undertaking paid-for studies increased systematically, particularly in the case of Ukrainian students. In the case of Belarus and Moldova, the number of scholarship holders and those studying free of charge was higher than the number of students paying for their education. However, the situation was different in the case of Ukrainian students. In 2000/2001, relatively few students undertook paid-for education. In the academic year 2013/2014, the situation reversed. Scholarship holders from Ukraine accounted for a small percentage of students, as did those studying free of charge. Students paying their tuition fees were a predominant group – 76.35% of the total number of university students from Ukraine. Availability of scholarships had a significant impact on the arrivals of Belarusian and Moldovian citizens, but did not contribute to an increase in the number of Ukrainian students.
EN
Judgment no. 2 of the Constitutional Court of Moldova of 20 January 2015 refers to the issue of parliamentary immunity and the cases of termination of a mandate of a member of Parliament as foreseen by the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova. The Constitutional Court laid down the scope interpretation of Articles 69 and 70 of the Constitution, adjudicating that a Deputy sentenced with a valid court judgment does not enjoy the privilege of parliamentary immunity. Also, the privilege is not applied where a national court recognizes a sentence passed by a court of a foreign state. A person sentenced with a valid court judgment for a crime committed with intention or sentenced to a prison term loses its right to be elected, hence cannot be legitimately elected to the Parliament. He/she also loses his/her mandate ex lege after the judgment had been passed.
EN
This paper unpacks the legitimacy gap existing between post-communist policies of citizenship restitution, the experiences of these policies, and the media coverage of these policies. Considering citizenship restitution first as analogous to property restitution, theoretically citizenship restitution appears as compensatory, to right the wrongs of communist- and Soviet-era seizures and border changes, and appears to establish citizenship restitution as a right. Using UK media coverage of Romania’s policy of citizenship restitution vis-à-vis Moldova, the paper shows the extent to which this policy is framed as an illegitimate loophole propagated by a ‘Romanian Other’ which is ‘giving out’ EU passports, exploited by an impoverished and criminal ‘Moldovan Other’, and inflicted on a ‘UK Self’ that is powerless to stem the tide of migration and block routes to gaining access to the EU via such policies. However, the paper also contrasts, and challenges, this media framing by using interviews with those acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova to demonstrate the extent to which acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova is a costly and lengthy procedure. Overall, the paper shows the extent to which citizenship restitution is a contested procedure, constructed as a right by the state seeking to compensate former citizens, and as illegitimate by those who construct a logic resulting from feeling threatened by policies of citizenship restitution.
EN
This article aims at givng a brief description of the Gagauz people in the areas of Bessarabia and Bulgaria. Gaugazes are a group of elusive people, whose origin seems to be obscure because of only indirect written sources. While in Bulgaria, their old country, Gagauzes maintain Bulgarian identity in addition to their own, in Bessarabia they are a distinct ethnic category. Gaugazes probably can be a micronation, by modern standards. If we consider their culture (spiritual and material), also their history and geography of settlement, they can be categorized as a Slavonic micronation. Nevertheless, their language and origins seem to be non-Slavic.
EN
In this paper, we draw on the concepts of in-betweenness and migration interdependence in order to investigate the vulnerability of Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine due to their conflicting relations with Russia and the exposure of their economies to remittance flows from the latter. To achieve this goal, we explore whether and how migrant flows and remittance flows have diverged since 2014, when the three states signed their Association Agreements with the EU and their economic relations with Russia deteriorated. In this respect, we examine how interstate relations impact upon migration and remittances flows. After discussing in-betweenness and migration interdependence, we investigate the origin of the remittance inflows in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine and the destination of the migration outflows. We map the development of remittances from the World, Europe, and Russia and relate it with the development of their GDP using longitudinal data. A comparative analysis of our findings suggest that the three cases differ from each other, but, in all three cases, Russia has not used migration interdependence as leverage. We conclude that remittance flows in the three in-between states are more affected by the state of the global economy, the economic situation of Russia, and domestic circumstances rather than from interstate relations.
PL
The author focuses on the chronology of the Brînzeni (Brynzen) group of the Tripolye culture in the context of the radiocarbon dates obtained from two settlements sites in Moldova - Văratic Holm i Brînzeni XI (IX). Thanks to the conducted analyzes and the results of the latest research, it is possible to place the discussed results in a wider context, including materials in relation to the inner-Trypolye context and contacts with other communities in Central and Eastern Europe.
EN
The terms ‘return migration’ or ‘re-emigration’ deal with the return of the diaspora to the country of origin and are therefore full of nationalistic perspective. These terms can be useful in the case of a diasporic return to the country of origin, however, the use of the term ‘ethnic return migration’ should be clarified as well becaus migration of diasporic descendants (to the country of origin of their ancestors) by strategic, rational and pragmatic use of their ethnic disposition (i.e. passports of their ancestors with written nationality) should also be looked into. Indeed, term ethnic return migration expresses that in the case of some diasporic descendants their ethnic origin might be lost and the diasporic identification questioned hence their migration to the country of origin of their ancestors could be analysed as mobility for material or economic benefit. In this article I will analyse the migration of diasporic descendants from West Ukraine and South Moldova to find out whether they incline more to return migration/ re-emigration or to ethnic return migration.
EN
Th is article aims to present an overview of the Moldovan media system, beginning from the 1990s. Th e paper maps the country’s media market and ownership structure, print press, broadcasting media, and journalistic culture. Th e fi ndings are based primarily on 52 semi-structured interviews conducted in Moldova in 2006 and 2011 with journalists, media analysts, academics, and media owners, and on recent literature and some scholarship on the media system in Moldova. Th is article seeks to discuss the following questions: What forces have infl uenced media development and journalistic profession in Moldova over the past 20 years? Why has the critical situation of Moldovan media in the early years of democratization become the norm expression nowadays?
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