Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 18

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  NATIONAL MINORITIES
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1

THE STATISTICS OF THE GERMAN MINORITY IN THE VOIVODESHIP OF LUBLIN IN THE YEARS 1918-1939 (Statystyka mniejszosci niemieckiej w województwie lubelskim w latach 1918-1939)

100%
Wojcik K.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2009
|
issue 2
3-13
EN
The origins of the German colonisation in the region of Lublin dates back to the eighteenth century. The largest German minority group in the region of Chelmno existed for almost 150 years up to the Red Army invasion in 1944. Data pertaining to the size of the German minority in the region of Lublin can be based only on four official population surveys conducted in 1897, 1916, 1921 and 1931. Up to 1897 there were no more exact data concerning German colonists in the Kingdom of Poland. The Russian survey from 1897 recorded about 407 000 German colonists in the KIngdom, with the total of approx. 30 000 in the 'gubernia' of Lublin and Siedlce. The outbreak of the WW I resulted in the enormous decline of the number of Germans due to a deportative campaign inaugurated in the summer of 1915. The one-day survey carried out in 1916 by the Austrian military authorities (MGG) confirmed that the terrains under Austrian occupation were populated by 2247 Germans, including 1139 Protestants. A mass-scale return of the German colonists took place in 1917-1921. In indeopendent Poland the number of Germans in the region of Lublin was estimated upon the basis of two surveys performed on 30 September 1931 and 9 December 1931. In 1921 there were 10933 Germans in the voivodeship of Lublin, including 10824 Protestants, and in 1931 the number rose to 15865, including 11491 Protestants. Data from the interwar period relatig to the German minority in the voivodeship of Lublin confirm the growth of this group in the discussed terrain
2

NÁRODNOSTNÍ OTÁZKA Z POHLEDU VÝVOJE MEZINÁRODNÍ OCHRANY NÁRODNOSTNÍCH MENŠIN

80%
Scheu H. C.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2013
|
vol. 16
|
issue 4
-
EN
On the national level the Constitutional Act No. 144/1968 which regulated the status of nationalities in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic was certainly a unique legislative action in the field of minority rights. It guaranteed certain minority rights at least to four explicitly mentioned nationalities. The aim of this paper is to describe briefly the development of the protection of national minorities after World War II until the end of the 1960s from an international perspective. We believe that with a view to this context the specific national models may be better evaluated.
3

PRINCIPLE OF NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION IN RUSSIAN POLICY

80%
Kiľdeyev M.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2009
|
vol. 2
|
issue 1
62 – 69
EN
The article is focused on the problems of reforming the federal structure of the Russian Federation. The article shows that the gradual elimination of the system of national autonomous violates the inalienable rights of national minorities in Russia, reflected in the Constitution, first of all – the right to national self-determination. Only on territories of national autonomies is guaranteed the minimal protection of national minorities´ s rights.
4

Publiczne szkolnictwo powszechne dla mniejszości narodowych w województwie poleskim w latach 1919-1939

80%
Smolarczyk A.
Rozprawy z Dziejów Oświaty
|
2012
|
vol. 49
111-137
EN
The article presents the public elementary school system for national minorities in the province of Polesia in 1919-1939. Liberal policy of the Germans towards school system on the territories occupied by them during the I World War gave rise to more intensive national aspirations of Belarusian and Ukrainian population living in Polesia. It was a reason why a network of Belarusian and Ukrainian elementary school systems came into being. As soon as the Civil Board of Eastern Territories (Zarząd Cywilny Ziem Wschodnich) took control over school system, it started eliminating Belarussian and Ukrainian schools in place of which it created Polish schools. It was only on 31 July 1924 when the utraquist bill established organizational principles for school system of Belarusians and Ukrainians. The purpose of this bill was to integrate minorities living in the Eastern part of II Polish Republic with the Polish state and culture as well as to satisfy educational aspirations of these minorities. Minorities regarded the utraquist bill as deeply unjust and undemocratic. Declarations for schools in mother tongues caused sharp political conflicts. School plebiscites in southern districts of Polesia led to competition between Belarusian and Ukrainian minorities. Huge social discontent was a reaction to the abuses of Polish authorities that collected declarations for schools teaching in Belarusian and Ukrainian. The utraquist bill from 31 July 1924 was implemented in most of Belarusian and Ukrainian schools already in school year 1925/1926. At the beginning of the thirties state authorities hardened their attitude towards Belarusian school system in Polesia as a result of its general attitude to the national Belarusian movement. The latter was just found too weak to be reckoned with.
5

THE TURKISH MINORITY IN BULGARIA AND TURKISH-BULGARIAN RELATIONS DURING THE COLD WAR (Mniejszosc turecka w Bulgarii a stosunki turecko-bulgarskie w okresie zimnej wojny)

80%
Wodka J.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2009
|
issue 2
35-52
EN
The article shows the repressive policy of the communist Bulgaria under Todor Zhivkov towards the large Turkish and Muslim minority, whose presence in the Balkans was the heritage of the centuries-long rule of the Ottoman Empire in this part of Europe. The policy pursued by the Bulgarian authorities towards the minority in question is depicted against the backdrop of the political relations between Turkey and Bulgaria - states belonging to two opposing geo-political blocs and, more broadly, within the context of the international situation and the Cold War confrontation. During the 45 years of communist rule, the Bulgarian policy towards the minorities evolved becoming increasingly aggressive, repressive and inclined towards violating human rights. In the first years following the Second World War the Turkish and Moslem minority in Bulgaria enjoyed relative liberties. Already at the end of the 1950s, however, the Pomak and Tartar communities became the target of an assimilation campaign which in the 1970s affected also the Turks, thus causing a mass-scale emigration to Turkey. Paradoxically, it was precisely in the 1960s and 1970s that the Turkish-Bulgarian relations improved. The article pays considerable attention to the notorious events of the 1980s when the Bulgarian leader initiated a compulsory assimilation of the Bulgarian Turks known as the rebirth process that met with critical reactions in Ankara and of international public opinion.
6
Content available remote

Od roztržky ke spojenectví. Polští socialisté na československém Těšínsku v letech 1936-1938

80%
Baran I.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
|
2011
|
vol. 97
|
issue 1-2
49-74
EN
This essay describes and analyses the development within the Polish Socialist Workers' Party (Polska Socjalistyczna Partia Robotnicza, PSPR) in the Czechoslovak Tesin area in 1936-1938. This party was one of the three political parties that represented interests of the Polish minority in the Tesin area in the interwar period. In 1934-1935, a dispute broke out between the PSPR and other Polish parties. It was inspired by the start of an anti-Czechoslovak campaign in Poland after signing the Treaty of Non-Aggression between Poland and the Nazi Germany. All the parties, however, resumed their collaboration in 1938 and, in September 1938, when a large section of the Tesin area was annexed by Poland, the PSPR supported this move. The essay clarifies the principle that changed the PSPR leaders' standpoints of in those two years. The PSPR party magazine, the weekly Robotnik Slaski (the Silesian Worker) served as a principal source for writing this essay. As regards archival sources, documents from Czechoslovak offices were used most frequently. They concern materials from the police office in Moravian Ostrava which are deposited in the State Regional Archive in Opava and documents from the Brno Land Office deposited in the Moravian Land Archive.
7

THE GERMAN WORLD POLICY AND NATIONAL MINORITIES IN 1918-1990. THE SITUATION OF THE SORBS AGAINST THE BACKDROP OF OTHER MINORITIES (Niemiecka polityka oswiatowa a mniejszosci narodowe w latach 1918-1990. Sytuacja Serboluzyczan na tle innych mniejszosc

80%
Pjech E.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2009
|
issue 2
15-33
EN
In the Weimar Republic (1918-1933) the Danish and Polish minorities enjoyed considerable support since they possessed homelands inhabited by Germans. Minority schools in Germany thus used Danish or Polish as the language of instruction. By way of contrast, national groups that did not have a motherland (such as the Northern Friesians and the Serb Lusatians) received only sight assistance. The liberal policy was initially continued after the National Socialists seized power in 1933. Following the consolidation of the National Socialist state in 1937 the approach to the minorities became less lenient and revealed great differences between the 'Germanic' and Slav minorities. The Danes and the North Friesians retained all their previous rights. In 1937-1938 the officials began a mass-scale campaign against Polish and Sorb teachers, and transferred some to German schools. At the onset of the Second World War the situation deteriorated further and Polish minority schools were closed and numerous Polish teachers were arrested and interned in concentration camps. In Lusatia the German authorities planned a deportation of the whole Sorb elite, a project that up to 1940 was partially implemented. By 1938 the Lusatian language was relegated from the schools, and to 1940 - from the majority of the churches. In 1945-1990 the German school policy followed various paths, due to the division of Germany. In the Federal Republic only the Danish national group was long regarded as a national minority because it possessed a homeland. This is also the reason why numerous schools were set up for the propagation of the Danish language and culture. On the other hand, the situation of the North Friesian national group was unenviable - the Friesian language was used only in scarce schools and even then for a single hour a week. By way of contrast, the Sorbs in the DDR enjoyed considerable support and Lusatian was the language of school instruction. In the terrains settled by the Catholic Sorbs the whole school curriculum was taught in their mother tongue. In the wake of the reunification of Germany in 1990, the Danish, Lusatian and North Friesian languages continued to be protected in schools, and in certain regions the range of their use even expanded.
8

THE SLOVAK POPULATION AND POLISH-SLOVAK RELATIONS IN SPISZ AND ORAWA IN 1956-1960 (Ludnosc slowacka i stosunki polsko-slowackie na Spiszu i Orawie w latach 1956-1960)

80%
Kwiek J.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2009
|
issue 2
54-65
EN
In 1957, after several months of efforts the Czechs and the Slovaks living in Poland managed to establish their own national social–cultural association. At the same time, the activity of the Slovak population produced a critical reaction on the part of the Polish intelligentsia. A group of Polish teachers issued a letter openly calling for the liquidation of Slovak schools. Other members of the Polish intelligentsia proposed the foundation of a Union of the Friends of Spisz and Orawa, going on the assumption that since the Slovak minority possessed its own association, the Polish population should enjoy similar privileges. The authorities did not concede, fearing that such a decision could further inflame national tension. Mutual relations were also affected by the use of the Slovak language in liturgy. The Society embarked upon suitable endeavours addressed to the Church authorities, but to no avail. The purpose of the Commission for National Questions, created in 1957 by the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, was to alleviate the existing prejudices and conflicts. Its activity, however, did not contribute to liquidating the tension between part of the Polish ad Slovak population, a target attained finally at the end of the 1950s thanks to, i. a. a number of steps aimed at the economic development of this region.
9

PRÁVNÍ SYSTÉM ČSSR, MENŠINY A EXPERIMENTY S PRÁVEM V ŠEDESÁTÝCH LETECH

80%
Kuklík J., Petráš R.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2013
|
vol. 16
|
issue 4
-
EN
The study deals with the problem of legal framework of the socialist Czechoslovakia in the 1960 ́s and experiments in law regarding the position of national minorities. After 1960 all main branches of Czechoslovak law were re-codified and Czechoslovak law especially in Civil and Economic law breached all civil law traditions and introduced what was regarded as a socialist law. The experiments influenced also the position of national minorities.
10

GOVERNMENT COUNCIL OF THE SSR FOR NATIONALITIES AND ELABORATION OF THE ACT ON THE STATUS OF NATIONALITIES IN THE SLOVAK SOCIALIST REPUBLIC IN 1969 – 1970

80%
Šutajová J.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2021
|
vol. 24
|
issue 2
52 - 66
EN
The aim of the paper is to analyze the activities of the Government Council of the SSR for Nationalities in the years 1969-1970 in the preparation of a bill on the status of nationalities in the Slovak Socialist Republic and the changes that occurred in the Council at the beginning of the normalization process. These changes also affected the preparation of the draft law on the status of nationalities in the SSR and led to the resignation of the Council for the preparation of legislative norms, which were to further develop the constitutional law on the status of nationalities in the SSR. The Government Council of the SSR for Nationalities was one of the institutions formed in Slovakia after the establishment of the Czechoslovak Federation that addressed the issues of nationality. The Council also elaborated the standards for the Constitutional Act on the Status of Nationalities.
11

Ethnic and National Minorities in Poland in View of the National Census 2002

80%
Babinski G.
Studia Socjologiczne
|
2004
|
issue 1(172)
139
EN
The following article attempts to analyze and interpret the findings of the National Census 2002 with respect to national and ethnic minorities. Apart from a concise summary of numerical data from particular voivodships, more attention is paid to such issues as: methodological remarks regarding questions about the respondents' national identity entailed in the census and the effects of asking such questions, factors distorting one's declaration of national identity, some comments and reactions of minorities to the census results. I take a morę analytic approach towards the three biggest minorities: German, Ukraininan and Byelorussian ones. The census data provide many important data but only when we treat them as complementary information and also when the numbers are somehow considered relative to the situation of a particular minority, as well as the direction and stage of that situation's change. Thanks to the census we know much morę about national and ethnic minorities in Poland. This knowledge is, however, secondary, partial, allowing more for formulating hypotheses than firm conclusions. For example we know for sure that there exists a Silesian identification functioning as a basie ethnic identity, which cannot be narrowed to a regional identity. However, we do not know much about the further evolution of this community. Key words: national census, ethnic and national minorities, national identification.
12
Content available remote

METROPOLITAN DIONYSIUS ON THE NATIONALITY QUESTION IN THE ORTHODOX CHURCH IN INTERWAR POLAND

80%
Dudra S.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2010
|
issue 36
41-50
EN
Metropolitan Dionysius took over management of the Orthodox Church in 1923. He managed the Orthodox Church in the difficult period of the Second Polish Republic. At that time the Orthodox Church was identified with the Russian invader, and seen as a symbol of the partitions as well as of the religious and ethnic oppression of Poles. At the same time it was the largest religious association in Poland, apart from the Roman Catholic Church. During this period, the Orthodox Church embraced several different nationalities among the faithful (including Ukrainians, Belarussians, Russians and others). This posed a significant problem in both the Church's internal relations and in its relations with the Polish state. Some political minority groups tried to make the Orthodox religion an element of national separatism. On the other hand, for the state authorities, the Orthodox Church was an institution which carried out the Church's policy and objectives for the benefit of a particular ethnic minority. Throughout the period of Metropolitan Dionysius' management he had to guide the church in such a way as to meet the needs of ethnically diverse believers, in spite of the basically unfriendly or even hostile attitude of the Polish state towards the Orthodox Church. He had to take into account the tendency of the faithful of Ukrainian, Russian, Belarussian and Polish origins to deal separately with the various political forces existing within the Orthodox Church, while seeking to provide the Church with an appropriate system and a specific political function.
13
Content available remote

CZECHS IN POLISH VOLHYNIA, 1919-1939

80%
Jarnecki M.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2008
|
issue 32
119-133
EN
A small number of Czech settlers arrived in Volhynia, the most rural province in Western Russia, in the second half of the 20th century. The Russian authorities favored this migration for one reason: they hoped that the Czech minority would weaken the Polish community living there. The Czechs, who made up ca. 1,5-2% of the entire population of Volhynia, soon recognized that only a loyal attitude towards the Russian State and, in a later period the Polish State, could guarantee this numerically small ethnic group some success among the Polish and Ukrainian populations. The local administration in many ways supported the loyalty of ethnic minorities in Volhynia. Although economically the area was developing rather quickly, upon the eve of the WW I, it was still an agricultural province, and the majority of Czechs worked in this sector, with some owning arable land. Many of the Czechs owned agricultural machines on their farms, and hop cultivation was the most important source of profit for the settlers. The Czechs were active in social and cultural life. Settlements had newspapers, orchestras, choirs, as well as their famous volunteer Fire Brigades. Education and schooling was an important problem. Although the Polish authorities favored a system of polonization, many Czech children nevertheless attended bilingual schools. Moreover, one of the settlers, Vladimir Meduna, was a member of Parliament in the 1930s. In the same period, an honorary consulate opened in the small town of Kwasilow, with Vladimir Svarovsky as its head. Unfortunately, the Czech settlements in Volhynia negatively influenced Polish-Czechoslovak relations in the interwar period.
14
Content available remote

THE RIGHT TO POLITICAL REPRESENTATION FOR MEMBERS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA, 1990-2004

80%
Mikucka-Wojtowicz D.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2010
|
issue 37
7-17
EN
The goal of this article is to analyse the changes in the normative regulations concerning the political representation of members of national minorities in the Republic of Croatia in 1990-2004. These regulations are contrasted with their practical use. Furthermore, attention is turned to the political dimension of these issues, visible through the incessant amendments to regulations. The period from 1990 to 2004 was selected due to the fact that the first legal regulations governing this question were introduced in the Republic of Croatia in 1990, while 2004 saw the final constitution of the last bodies representing this group of citizens provided by law. Moreover, the author aims to prove that on their own normative regulations – even if favourable for minorities – are never sufficient to speak about protection of minority rights, if the good will to respect them in practice is missing
15

NÁRODNOSTNÍ MENŠINY VE SLOVENSKÉ ARMÁDĚ MEZI BŘEZNEM 1939 A ČERVNEM 1941

70%
Hlavienka L.
Vojenská história
|
2020
|
vol. 24
|
issue 1
110 - 135
EN
Since its early days, the independent Slovak State originating in March 1939 had to come across a number of difficulties and challenges. Apart from the uncertain position in the Central European area and the threat of Hungarian territorial expansion, another issue was the position of national minorities living in the territory of the young country after 14 March. According to the registry from 1938, almost 400 thousand people located in the territory of the Republic claimed to other than the Slovak nationality, and the question was, how will the Republic deal with them. This article focuses on the fate of the national minorities among the Slovak troops, monitoring their numerical development between March 1939 and June 1941 and the conditions, under which they served in the Army.
16
Content available remote

JOZEF OBREBSKI IN THE INSTITUTE FOR THE STUDY OF NATIONALITIES, 1934-1939

70%
Serwanski K., Wrzesinska K.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2006
|
issue 29
81-90
EN
In 1934, Jozef Obrebski commenced his collaboration with the Institute for the Study of Nationalities (IBSN) in Warsaw, which he successfully continued until World War II. Under the auspices of the IBSN and its associates, Obrebski developed a broad range of academic activities which included his fieldwork in the region of Polesie in Eastern Poland in 1934-1937. This project resulted in a series of articles by Obrebski in major Polish journals; two of these, 'The Ethnic Problem of Polesie' and 'The Present Inhabitants of Polesie', appeared in 'Sprawy Narodowościowe', a bi-monthly published by the Institute. Moreover, within the framework of this institution, Obrebski delivered a series of lectures on 'Static and Dynamic Approaches in Ethnic Studies', and, as its representative, participated in major meetings of sociologists in pre-war Poland. In 1936, he was nominated member of the Institute, alongside many eminent personalities. The period between 1934 and 1939 occupies a prominent place in Obrebski's career, by virtue of his achievements in ethnography and sociology, in particular. It brought him recognition based on his most significant study of Polesie, done in collaboration with the Warsaw Institute.
17

OSLAVY DAI V ROKU 1937 A SNAHY O VYUŽÍVANIE NÁRODNOSTNÝCH MENŠÍN V ČSR NEMECKOM A MAĎARSKOM NA POLITICKÉ CIELE

61%
Vrábel F.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2011
|
vol. 4
|
issue 1
37 – 53
EN
The article deals with the subject of national minorities in interwar Europe, and the possibilities and efforts to use and misuse them for political ends. It briefly describes the establishment and development of an institution for monitoring the German minorities around the world - Das Deutsche Ausland-Institut (DAI) in Stuttgart - its organization, tasks and methods of operation. Based on the speakers’ addresses during the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the foundation of the Institute held in Stuttgart in August 1937, the author compares the attitudes of a representative and leader of the German minority in Czechoslovakia (Henlein) with the attitudes and opinions of a representative of the Nazi regime (Frick). In the conclusion, the author provides information on some of the measures taken by the Czechoslovak government between February and April 1937 that were aimed to ensure equitable minority policy and good relations between the Czechoslovak authorities and national minorities in the area of public works and civil engineering, social and health care, recruitment into the civil service, language needs of national minorities, educational support, school organization and self-government.
18
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Pogranicze. Esej historyczno-socjologiczny

41%
Kula M.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2018
|
vol. 44
|
issue 1 (167)
9–21
PL
Przez termin „pogranicze” autor rozumie zjawisko społeczne, w ramach którego ludzie z obu stron lub z kilku stron różnie zresztą rozumianych granic wchodzą ze sobą w kontakt. Granica jako linia wykreślona na mapie i wytyczona w przestrzeni nie jest konieczna dla istnienia pogranicza. Z kolei nawet w wypadku formalnie wytyczonej granicy można dokładać wysiłków dla likwidacji sytuacji pogranicza. Komunizm starał się, by umocniona i dobrze strzeżona granica nie dopuszczała do kontaktów ludzi w obszarze jej bliskim. Na obszarach pogranicza tworzyła się kultura synkretyczna – choć pytanie oczywiście w jakim stopniu i w jakich dziedzinach życia. O niektórych ludziach można mówić jako o ludziach pogranicza. Częste w dziejach dyskusje o przynależności ludzi zapamiętanych przez historię jako wielcy dotyczą często ludzi z pogranicza. Obszary pogranicza nieraz bywają terenami konfl iktów, zaś ludzie tam żyjący bądź z takich terenów wywodzący się maja nieraz ciężki los. Jednocześnie w wielu wypadkach kształtowali się jako ludzie twórczy i oryginalni.
EN
By borderlands, the author means social phenomena where people from both sides of the variously understood boundary come into contact with each other. Boundary as a line dividing space is not necessary for the borderland to exist. In the case of a formal boundary, very oft en attempts were made to impede the emergence of borderlands. Such was the case during communism with its fortifi ed and guarded border which prevented people on both sides to get into contact with one another. In borderlands, culture had a syncretic nature – although we need to ask how and in what aspects of life. We sometimes refer to some of its inhabitants as people of the borderlands. Th e oft en lead discussions about belonging of certain historical fi gures stems from the fact that they were oft en such people. At the same time borderlands sometimes are the terrains of confl icts, and people who live there suff er for it.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.