The study deals with the so far unexplored manuscript of a prayer called Molitva o izbavljenii otъ blǫda, which is preserved in the manuscript collection from the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery (White Lake St. Cyril’s Monastery). The text of the prayer is preserved in the manuscript KB 12/1089 (National Library of Russia, Saint-Petersburg) from the third quarter of the 16th century. The close relationship of known manuscript versions of the prayer contained in the manuscripts of Czech Church Slavonic Forty Gospel Homilies by Pope Gregory the Great (Besědy na evangelije) and in the ancient Euchologium Sinaiticum strongly reinforces the hypothesis about the Great Moravian origin of their common archetype. The aim of the study is to reveal the relationship of the newly registered text KB 12/1089 to familiar texts. An integral part of the study also deals with an edition of the prayer (KB 12/1089) and its critical apparatus based on the text of all known (edited) manuscripts of the prayer.
In this study the author examines the issue of Old Slavonic compounds, which do not have formal Greek parallels. Using selected lexemes from canonical and Czech Church Slavonic works, the author analyses the likely reasons for this phenomenon. Since the beginning of the formation of the literary Slavonic language, the attention was paid to the most precise translation of the Greek text and consequently the dependence on the Greek model is substantial. In addition to the Greek influence on the emergence of Old Church Slavonic compounds, the limited number of Latin and Old High German paradigms also needs to be considered.
Based on an analysis of arguments submitted for the benefit of ascertaining the place and date of the origins of Old Church Slavonic literature together with using the findings that there was awareness of Great Moravian texts in the 10th century Czech environment, the author documents the continuity of Old Church Slavonic literature in 10th century Bohemia and Moravia. He also points out the weakness of evidence negating the possibility of the continuity of liturgy in Old Church Slavonic, as well as the paucity of literary evidence to prove the above. In addition he proposes that rather than separating literary documents and liturgy, the evidence of the practical use of this liturgy should be differentiated from any attempts to use it for 'political' purposes.
The article describes the forms of guilt and culpability in the so-called normative texts of Great Moravia (Nomocanon, Admonitions to the Rulers and the Judicial Code for the People). The first part of the article describes the parts of the Judicial Code for the People, in which the actions are described, which we could define by modern legal understanding as intentional culpability and negligent culpability. In these provisions there are also indications of a distinction between direct and indirect intentions, and conscious and unconscious negligence. The author of the article considers in the text whether such a distinction of forms of culpability could have existed before the arrival of the Byzantine mission, or whether the distinction is the benefit of Byzantine (Roman) law for the domestic law of Great Moravia. The author also considers how these provisions have been implemented in practice. He points out that the rules in question contained a double sanction: secular and ecclesiastical sanctions, and sought to determine which of those sanctions had been imposed in practical life.
The article is focused, firstly, on a substantive that has remained outside the scope of study on the 9th-century Uchitel’noe evangelie – ал(ъ)кота. Its 6 appearances in this collection are observed together with their Greek corresponding words and direct respective contexts in the source and target texts. The derivatives of the same root are also traced in the monument together with their Greek counterparts. Then, a visual thesaurus is presented of the concurrent nouns with the root *alk- according to the main diachronic dictionaries. Finally, two synonymic roots – пост- and глад- are presented in terms of their distribution in the monument and their semantic peculiarities. The conclusions are that the words for hunger in Uchitel’noe evangelie are of three roots and that each of these roots has its exact Greek counterpart: глад- translates λιμ- and signifies ‘acute need for food’; пост- corresponds to νηστ- and is related to ‘voluntary deprivation of food’, and ал(ъ)к- is related to πεῖν- only in its more general meaning of ‘need for food’ (but not in its meaning related to ‘gluttony’). The word ал(ъ)кота is relatively rare in the older written monuments. Nevertheless, it completes the thesaurus of nouns with ал(ъ)к-/лак-, it is inherent in the Old Bulgarian literary language, and, in particular, in Constantine of Preslav’s language.
Martin Hattala has become widely known as a codifier of the standard Slovak and the significant Slavist. He is accredited the authorship of the codifying work 'Kratka mluvnica slovenská' (A Short Grammar of Slovak) (1852) that became a valid and obligatory standard up to 1902 when it was replaced by Cambel's 'Rukovat spisovnej reci slovenskej' (A Compendium of Standard Slovak Language). He is the author of some Slavistic works such as 'Mluvnica ruska a starobulharská' (A Grammar of Russian and Old Bulgarian) written in Czech, the study 'Kousek cteni o srbcine u korunniho prince Rudolfa' (A Piece of Reading on Serbian at Crown Prince Rudolf of Austria) written in German and 'Mluvnica chorvatska' (A Grammar of Croatian) written in Czech and stored at the Literary Archives of the Memorial of National Literature in Prague. All these works express his opinion that Old Church Slavonic is a starting point of all Slavic languages. Hattala's contacts with European scholars, a creative university environment, his study of Slavic languages and the linguistic works in the field of the Slavic studies, Czech, Bulgarian, Serbian or Russian, the support and confidence he received from the Catholic intelligentsia were his starting point for the standard Slovak language codification. The historical meaning of Martin Hattala's work can be seen in his synthetic efforts for the Slovak language benefit and his analytical approach to the particular Slavic languages.
This paper seeks to throw new light on the origin of the Kiev Leaflets by comparing the toponyms in Pannonia and the toponyms in the northern Tisa region. In the northern Tisa region, the Uh-Sotak dialect has been spoken. This dialect seems to be very archaic and able to preserve old linguistic features, including accent. The accent of the Sotak dialect of Koromľa, recorded by O. Broch in 1899, is very similar, maybe identical to one in the Kiev Leaflets. Moreover, in the Uh-Sotak dialect we can find all the important phonetic and morphological features of the Kiev Leaflets, such as *tj/kt > c, *dj > (d)z, *sk/*stj > šč, *dl > l, epenthetic l, roT-, dobrajego > dobraego > dobraago > dobrago, as well as *jь- > *iand then prīmi/primi, I sg. m. -ъmь/-emь, D sg. teb-, G pl. f. -ach, maybe *vьch- > vьs-, and no G sg., A pl. f. of ja-stems -ě. The toponyms of the northern Tisa region seem to be in accordance with the dialect of the Kiev Leaflets, too.
The figure of St. Jerome had left traces in the history of Old Church Slavonic Liturgy and places where the Roman Rite in the Old Church Slavonic Language was celebrated. From 13th century St. Jerome became the Patron saint of Croatian Glagolitism due to the developed cult of his sainthood. During the Pontificate of Pope Innocent IV, Glagolitism was enculturated into the Catholic Church in such a manner that it was placed under the patronage of Saint Jerome. This refers to a spiritual culture from Croatian territory, whereby the Roman Rite could be performed in the Church Slavonic language with exclusive use of the Glagolitic script. Through this act, Saint Jerome became the author of the Glagolitic script and protector of the Roman Rite in Church Slavonic. Earliest records of reverence of Saint Jerome have been found on Glagolitic territory, dated to the period even before Glagolitism was enculturated into the Roman Catholic world, in continental Istria in particular, which was considered Saint Jerome’s homeland. The worship of Saint Jerome enhanced in the Humanism and Renaissance period, when the Croats started regarding Saint Jerome as their national saint, reflected in Croatia by numerous monasteries, churches, chapels and altars erected in his honour. The worship of Saint Jerome is also evident in numerous Croatian Glagolitic missals and breviaries containing liturgical services honouring Saint Jerome. This paper explores the extent to which Saint Jerome was worshipped in the heritage and tradition of Glagolitic liturgical manuscripts, which are typologically classified as liturgy books »according to the use of the Roman Curia«.
In Slavic linguistics, it was commonly accepted from the beginning of the 19th century that the oral articulation of Old Church Slavonic nasal vowels didn't differ from the articulation of the oral vowels o and e. This opinion was probably based on the fact that the only language that had retained nasal vowels - the Polish language - had this kind of articulation. It was believed that the Old Church Slavonic language didn't differ much from the Proto-Slavic language, and this articulation was accepted for the reconstruction of the phonology of that language. The vowel jat' (e) was treated as an open e, which in some languages and dialects has developed in certain environments into a (Polish and Bulgarian), in other cases into e (this change operated also as an environmentally unconditioned one in Serbian, Macedonian, Russian and Belarusian), but also into i (in the Ukrainian language and Croatian dialects), into the diphthong ie / je (in Croatian), or has remained a distinct close phoneme ('e' in Sorbian languages). The back nasal vowel has in most of the languages changed into u, but in some of them into o (Slovenian), into a (Bulgarian) and further into a (Macedonian). The front nasal vowel changed into e (in the remaining South Slavic languages) or into a (East Slavic languages, Upper Sorbian and initially Czech and Slovak), whereas in Lower Sorbian it merged with the jat' reflexes. In literary Polish, (after long and short nasal vowels had merged) since the 16th century, we have reflexes articulated as e () and o (). The views concerning the articulation of nasal vowels and jat' begun to change under the influence of G.Y. Shevelov's works (1964), which - based on previous borrowings of Slavic words into non-Slavic languages and vice-versa - marked a significant turning point in views on the phonology of the Late Proto-Slavic period. The dialectal materials (taken mainly form works published in connection to the Slavic Linguistic Atlas - OLA) presented in this paper enable a preliminary revision of the views concerning the realisation of Early Proto-Slavic nasal vowels and diphthongs, from which jat' derived. In nearly the entire South Slavic area, a figures among the reflexes of the front nasal vowel and of jat', which points to the common development of Proto-Slavic front diphthongs (containing i and nasal vowels), and therefore to an open articulation of the initial jat'. Therefore the so called jat' umlaut (in Bulgarian or Polish) is not an umlaut, but the original pronunciation before non-palatal consonants. The parallel development of back diphthongs (containing u as well as and nasal vowels) is even more visible: in case of diphthongs containing u, on the entire area, and where the nasal diphthongs are concerned, covering the great majority of Slavic dialects and languages.
In the present article, the author deals with the oldest Glagolitic texts of Eucharistic worship, which are included translations from Latin. There are four manuscripts: Kiew Folia, Fragmenta vindobonensia, Euchologium Sinaiticum, Sinai Glagolitic manuscript Sin. Slav. 5/N. Kiew folia are from the liturgical point of view sacramentary selection, type different from Libelli missae. They are limited liturgical structure and are unique. Fragmenta vindobonensia contain translations from Sacramentary, but also contain a translation from the Greek Apostle and the text, which equivalence has not been identified yet. Euchologium Sinaiticum contains 3 sheets fractions of Eucharistic worship. The preparatory ritual Kissing of the cross is a translation from the Latin Pontificale. Sinai manuscript Sin. Slav. 5/N contains texts, taken from Euchologium while proprium texts, taken from a Sacramentary. This manuscript shows that liturgical forms of Euchologium have been used with Sacramentary texts to enrich Eucharistic worship. We call this type of manuscript as Sacralogion. Kiew Folia, the first page, we have tested with scheme of Euchologium and Sacramentary and convincingly appears to use Kiew Folia with Euchologium, not with Sacramentary. This new liturgical system used by Slavic monks in the 11th century is unique – we define it as Old Church Slavonic liturgical system. The compilers of Old Church Slavonic manuscripts freely combined structures and ceremonies from Greek and Latin liturgical books.
The paper deals with the life of count Novak Disislavić of the Mogorović kindred, a Croatian nobleman who served as a knight of the Hungarian king Louis of Anjou. It examines his military engagements and cultural contributions and challenges the conventional view of Croatian paleo-Slavic studies, which identifies him primarily as the scribe of the “Missal of count Novak” of 1368. From an early age, Novak actively participated in all of King Louis’ military campaigns, demonstrating bravery during sieges and even saving the king himself during a hunt. His bravery was rewarded with possessions, honours and a prestigious position as a knight at the royal court from 1350 at latest. Apart from his military exploits, Novak’s role as a judge and advisor in the Kingdom of Dalmatia and Croatia after the expulsion of the Venetians from the eastern Adriatic coast in 1358 strengthened his standing in Croatian society. His cultural contribution is the aforementioned Glagolitic missal, which, as noted in the colophon (f. 269), is attributed to him as the author due to the indication “napisah”. This missal is considered one of the exemplary Croatian Glagolitic Missals and served as one of the models for the first Glagolitic incunabula in 1483. These are precisely the reasons why Novak could not have transcribed the missal personally, as the production of such a cultural work is extremely complex. As a patron, he was directly involved in its creation and possibly supervised its production.
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.