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On the possible sources of the apocryphal motif “Satanael refuses to bow to Adam” in one early Christian passionThe article discusses the medieval literary works containing one of the variants of the apocryphal motif “the fall of the Rebel Angel from Heaven,” where Satanael calls himself “a fire flame” and refuses to bow to Adam, who was created “from mud.” A variant of this motif is found in the Slavonic version of an early anonymous Passion of St. George, while its Latin, Coptic and Ethiopian versions contain a more simplified variant – the reason for the refusal of the angel is his superior position in comparison to man. It seems possible that the Slavonic version preserved the original variant of the motif, known in the same form in only two more works – the Greek-Slavonic Apocalypse of Baruch (3 Baruch) and the Syriac Cave of Treasures, both of which preserved archaic features, whereas the Latin and the Oriental versions show traces of later changes. If this is indeed the case, the replacement of the earlier version occurred at a very early stage of the development of the text, probably already during the circulation of the Passion in Palestine or in Sinai. O możliwych źródłach apokryficznego motywu „Satanael odmawia złożenia hołdu Adamowi” w pewnej wczesnochrześcijańskiej pasjiW artykule przedstawiono średniowieczne dzieła literackie, zawierające jeden z wariantów motywu apokryficznego – upadek z nieba zbuntowanego anioła, w którym Satanael nazywa siebie samego „płomieniem ognia” i odmawia złożenia hołdu stworzonemu z błota Adamowi. Wariant tego motywu został odkryty w słowiańskiej wersji wczesnochrześcijańskiej Pasji św. Jerzego (anonimowego autora), podczas gdy wersje łacińska, koptyjska i etiopska przedstawiają ten wątek w sposób dalece uproszczony – powodem odmowy anioła jest jego wyższa pozycja w stosunku do człowieka. Wydaje się prawdopodobne, że słowiańska wersja zachowała oryginalny wariant motywu, występujący w tej samej formie tylko w dwóch jeszcze pracach – grecko­-słowiańskiej Apokalipsie Barucha (3 Baruch) i syryjskiej Grocie Skarbów, obu mających cechy archaiczne, podczas gdy w wersji łacińskiej i orientalnych widoczne są już zmiany. Jeśli faktycznie tak jest, to zastąpienie wcześniejszej wersji musiało nastąpić na wczesnym stadium rozwoju tekstu, prawdopodobnie już w czasie cyrkulowania Pasji w Palestynie lub na Synaju.
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The Polish-Lithuanian Tatars began to form their own literature in the Polish and Old Byelorussian languages from the end of the 16th century. All Tatar texts were handwritten exclusively in Arabic script, irrespective of their own language. Tatar writings were characterized by the anonymity of the author but we know the author of the most important literary achievement of this community – the complete translation of the Qur’an dated 1686: the imam of Minsk, Urjasz b. Ism‚‘īl Szlamowicz. Most of the Tatar texts were translated from the Islamic popular religious literature spread in the land of the Golden Horde and Ottoman Empire. The appearance of this sort of Tatar oeuvre resulted from the fact that the Tatars had lost their native tongue sometime within the 16th and 17th c. This made the translation of the popular Islamic literature necessary to preserve the Tatars’ own religion. The Tatar manuscripts also contain an important component adopted from the Old Polish Christian literature including the Polish translation of the Bible by Szymon Budny (1572) created for the Arians – the most radical protestant movement in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Tatars integrated a significant amount of motifs and ideas of their Christian social environment into their religious Islamic traditions. Therefore we can assume that another factor that contributed to the rise of the Tatar literature was the religious and cultural revival which encompassed the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th c. during the Renaissance and Reformation era. Apparently it played an important role in the cultural integration of this Turkic-Islamic community with local Christian society and culture.
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