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Przynależność do PZPR wśród zatrudnionych w przemyśle polskim w latach 1949–1956

100%
Chumiński J.
Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych
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2009
|
vol. 69
111-145
EN
The first half of the 1950s in Poland coincided with a culmination of the Stalinist system. The crucial issue concerned the social basis of the antidemocratic and at that particular time outright criminal system. The structures of the prevailing system involved hundreds of thousands of persons, both members of the social elite and those on the lower rungs of the social ladder. The state of our knowledge about the motives of the conduct of the first group is relatively considerable, but almost nothing is known about the reasons for the participation of the so-called rank-and-file members of society in the structures of the totalitarian state. The establishment of their motives calls for examining such questions as the level of education, social origin, pre-war professional experience, as well as the age, gender and family situation structure. The article analysed the social and demographic features of the members of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP): workers and administration-technical employees working in 1949–1956. The sources are composed of files pertaining to 1472 workers in four factories (in Krakow and Warsaw). The conducted analysis demonstrated that the persons in question had an inferior education, originated mainly from the villages, and had little professional experience. At the same time, it must be emphasized that this was by no means a homogeneous group. The most elitist part consisted of members of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), who found themselves in the PUWP after a merge of the two parties. They differed from the other PUWP members due to a better education, the fact that a smaller percentage came from the villages, and their professional experience; they were also older and enjoyed a more stable family situation. In their case PUWP membership was not an ideological choice but merely a way of surviving Stalinist reality. By way of contrast, it appears that the chief reason why members of the Polish Workers’ Party (PPR) joined the communist party was their limited cognitive perspective and authoritarian submission. In turn, the dominating motives of those persons who joined the PUWP in 1949–1956 were of a purely utilitarian character. On the other hand, it is difficult to indicate a statistically essential group of PUWP members due to their identification with the goals and methods of the communist authorities of the period.
2

ECONOMIC VOTING BEHAVIOR AND THE POLITICAL RIGHT-WING (EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC)

63%
Domonkoš Š., Domonkoš T.
Ekonomický časopis (Journal of Economics)
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2011
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vol. 59
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issue 9
905 – 917
EN
This paper evaluates the differences in the degree to which the preferences of the Slovak right-wing and left-wing parties are affected by the development of consumer prices and unemployment. Using the linear regression approach it provides evidence in which Slovak left-wing voters are resistant to economic voting, which is demonstrated by the fact that changes in the preferences of the Slovak left-wing government during 2006 – 2008 did not react to changes in the CPI and the unemployment rate. By contrast, the Slovak right-wing is held accountable by its voters both for rising prices and unemployment. Thus, our research unveils a new, unexpected difference between left- and right-wing voters. Furthermore, it is argued that, under constantly decreasing monetary and fiscal sovereignty in EU member states, political parties that have voters highly responsive to economic conditions are in a disadvantage as their preferences are dependent on factors they can influence less than in the past.
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