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EN
The strategic aim of the Third Reich towards the Baltic Sea countries was their colonization and germanization.About 1/3 of the Lithuanians were to be germanized. The rest of the Lithuanians and Poles were to be resettled to the East. In the first years of the occupation German administration's policy was favorable towards the Lithuanians. They took the most important posts in the local administration of the Vilnius district, moreover, they held executive power in their hands. On the other hand, the German administration controlled the activity of the Lithuanian administration and did not allow to discriminate Poles, Belorussians and Russians. The Germans tried to take advantage of the Poles and Belorussians to restrain the Lithuanians' political aspirations. All nationalities were incited against Jews. In the second half of 1943 the German policy was already favorable towards Poles. The occupants avoided mass repressions. What is more, the German policy towards Belorussians and Russians was moderate and relatively soft. The Germans supported national rebirth of Belorussians. They tried to take advantage of Belorussian nationalism against Lithuanians and Poles. The German administration supported religious and cultural life of the Russians, propagated Russians' 'trips' to Germany to work there, encouraged them to join the police and army, and tried to separate the Russians from the impact of bolshevism.
EN
In 1876 an exhibition was organized in Philadelphia to commemorate the hundredth anniversary of gaining of independence by the United States. Countries from all over the world were invited to participate. Polish correspondents (Sygurd Wiśniowski, Jan Karłowicz, Feliks Fryze, Jordan Delikowski, J. F. Krajewski) went to Philadelphia to report on their impressions of visiting the exhibition halls. They were also to find and evaluate objects brought form the Polish territories presented in the sectors reserved for the partition zones countries. The aim of this article is to find out how the Warsaw press correspondents characterized exhibits coming from the Polish territories and which objects evoked the greatest interest. The correspondents wrote primarily about: the display of Żyrardów factory and sugar factories form the Kingdom of Poland, the harvester from Lilpop, Rau and Loewenstein factory, the Krall and Seidler piano, Jakub Pik’s scientific tools and paintings by Polish artists. About 70 exhibitors from the Kingdom of Poland participated in the Philadelphia exhibition (450 from the whole territory of the Tsardom of Russia). Although only some of potential exhibitors came to Philadelphia, those who managed to present their goods were noticed and highly appreciated. It is worth mentioning that 35 medals were awarded to exhibitors of goods from Polishterritories.
EN
The text looks at the ways the date of 8/9 May 1945 is perceived in the memory of Poles and Germans - in the official memory (anniversary celebrations), public memory (press and media) as well as common memory (historical awareness, family memory). The author traces the dimensions between different levels of memory and evolutions of the image of the end of the war in Poland - before and after the breakthrough of 1989, and in Germany - before and after reunification.
EN
The article focuses on factors that had a significant impact on the shaping of the identity of Poles living in the Vilnius region over the past two decades. The newly attained independence of Lithuania has placed them in a radically new political environment and has undoubtedly changed their status and sense of national identity. The article comprises three main sections. The first of these is an analysis of data pertaining to the self-identification of the Vilnius region Poles, drawn from the general census and various sociological studies. The issue of the Pole’s Card (Karta Polaka) and its importance for the inhabitants of the Vilnius region is examined. The second section examines attachment to birthplace and habitual residence, with which is connected the aspect of strong regionalism and the crucial political matter of land reimbursement. The last section deals with political identity. It comprises a short history of polish political parties operating in the region and an analysis of the suffrage activity of Poles in the Vilnius region.
PL
The mass voluntary migration from Polish lands began in the second half of the 19th century. An important stage in the tsarist policy of settlement inSiberiawas the  so-called agrarian reform according to the project of premier Pyotr Stolypin. From 1905 to 1914, 5580 peasants migrated from theprovinceofLublin, 1485 from theprovinceofChełm, and over 3000 from other provinces of the Kingdom. Compared with this number, the resettlement movement from the provinces on theVistula, that is territories ethnically Polish was utterly negligible and did not exceed 1% of all migrants. In the resettlement historiography the best known is the “migration rush from the Dąbrowskie Mining Region”. Among the causes for the “emigration rush” from the Region, apart from obvious stagnation in the coal industry and associated redundancies and deterioration of living conditions, the desire to possess one’s own plot of land is most frequently quoted, and most likely not without a reason. The outbreak of World War I arrested the resettlement behind the Ural.    The movement continued until 1916. Before the October Revolution started, approximately 300,000 to 500,000 Poles were to be found inSiberia.  
EN
The article is an analysis of the heterostereotype of a German and the autostereotype of a Pole among Polish migrants living in Berlin. The results are based on qualitative research conducted by the author in Germany between 2009 and 2012. The incentive to undertake this topic was the revival of contacts between Poles and Germans associated with Poland’s accession to the European Union and the opening of borders. Among migrants, the EU accession resulted in the emergence of many beliefs concerning an improvement of the image of Poland and Polish people in the West. This article attempts to verify this hypothesis and determine what is the nature and the character of mutual stereotypes, and what functions they perform.
EN
This paper examines the size and distribution of the Polish population in the Ukraine and the Ukrainian population in Poland. The first section discusses the historical setting that led Polish and Ukrainian populations to live together on the wide Polish-Ukrainian borderland. The paper then goes on to look at the scale and direction of migration movements that took place after World War II. As a result of these movements, comprising a total of about 2 million inhabitants, the new border between Poland and The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic became a clear ethnic demarcation separating Poles from Ukrainians. The size of the Polish population in the Ukraine during the postwar period was examined on the basis of Soviet censuses carried out in 1959, 1970, 1979 and 1989. They showed a gradual reduction in the size of Polish population (in 1959 - 363.3 thousand, 1989 - 219.2 thousand). This decrease was caused by assimilation processes. Soviet census data were questioned. For this reason, the outcome of a Ukrainian census, conducted in new political conditions, was eagerly awaited. This census was conducted in 2001 and revealed only 144.1 thousand Poles, mostly living in Zytomierski and Chmielnicki region. The author gives reasons for the decline in the Polish population. The second part of the article discusses the situation of the Ukrainian population in Poland. Because dispersed, Ukrainians in Poland had difficulties in maintaining their national and religious distinction. Particular attention is paid to the consequences of the 'Vistula Action'. As a result of the action, strong processes of acculturation and assimilation of the Ukrainian community into the Polish environment occurred. The next section presents an outcome of the Polish census conducted in 2002. It revealed that 36.8 thousand Ukrainians live on Polish territory, of whom 5.9 thousand declared Lemko nationality. Most Ukrainians reside in the Warmia and Mazury province. In conclusion, the author compares the living conditions of Poles in the Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland. He advances the thesis that both minorities will be subject to an intense process of assimilation.
EN
Political and cultural identification of Poles and Czechs (and their countries) remains in strong relation to Germany and Russia. This problem can be seen from two fundamental perspectives. First is a glance at Poles and Czechs from 'outside'. Here we find two important questions. Primo, one should analyse changes in Poland and Czechoslovakia after Second World War. Both countries that in the consequence of cold-war political arrangement were forced to the east side of the 'iron curtain'. It has influenced policy, demography and territorial status (all these transformations are described in this article). Secundo, one should take into consideration intentions, character and degree of Russia's and Germany's influence on Poland and Czechoslovakia. It is interesting to find reasons of shaping attitudes of Poles and Czechs with reference to Russia's and Germany's behaviour in international relations. What is the role and political interest of Russia and Germany in Central Europe? The second prospect is to look from 'inside' at Russia's and Germany's acting on political and cultural identification of Poles and Czechs. Primo, a question appears about defining and expressing national identities by both nations on international level. Political and cultural identity of Poles and Czechs is a subject of research into outer relations (international). We ask about influence of two factors: Russian and German and their consequences on political and cultural behaviour of Poles and Czechs. There are four sociological aspects of this problem. The first important thing is to watch the evolution of social relation to Russia (Russians) and Germany (Germans) by Poles and Czechs since the end of war, particularly after the so called peace revolution (1989). It is a question about a scale of positive and negative feelings to Russians and Germans. The second aspect is identification by Poles and Czechs of typical features of average Russian and German. Third, one should consider at the opinion about relations to Russian and German states on the base of social research made in Poland and the Czech Republic. Fourth, it is interesting to learn what Poles and Czechs, think about their own national identity, about their place and role in Europe in context of close neighbourhood of European and Euro-Asian powers. Secundo, one should put an open question about importance of transnational identification of Poles and Czechs in relation to Central European community.
EN
The return of Poles from France and Belgium was one of the most significant migratory movements in the post-war history of Poland. From the end of military operations in 1945, the communist authorities of Poland began to appeal to Poles residing in France and Belgium to return to their homeland. The aim of this article is to show, from the perspective of the Dąbek, Pawlik and Szotek families, how those returning from France and Belgium met with the realities of communist Poland. A common denominator among these three families is not only the longing for their home country, but also their decision to return under the influence of propaganda, and then a very perceptible feeling of “otherness” on their return to their home country. The feelings of “otherness” and “strangeness” through their stay on French and Belgian soil turned out to be strong enough upon their return to prevent their integration into the culture of their native country. In coming to Belgium or northern France they were called “Poles,” but upon their return, they were called “Frenchmen” by their compatriots.
EN
This article is dedicated to the former Catholic cemetery in Czerniowce Podolskie (Vinnytsia Oblast, Ukraine). In the spring of 2009, a group of students under the supervision of the authors conducted a field study, the purpose of which was to record any remaining tombstone inscriptions, establish the identity of the people interred there, and tidy up the cemetery itself. All the gravestones found date from before the revolution and have inscriptions in the Polish language. The information provided by those inscriptions concerns the parishioners of the Czerniowce parish. It is interesting to note that those names number among the most distinguished noble families of Podolia: Houses of Bilinski, Jakubowski, Komarnicki, Nagorniszczewski, Pilawski, Rozycki, Sobolewski, Witkowski i Wydzgo. One of the most interesting finds was the sepulchral chapel of the Mańkowski family – very important to the history of the region. The family mausoleum was built in the classical style, in a manner that was characteristic of the nineteenth-century landed gentry of Kresy. Until recently, it has served as a church for the local Orthodox parish. During the field study, a number of facts were established concerning those buried at the cemetery with the use of a comprehensive genealogical, archival and press research, and by interviewing the local residents. It is the authors’ firm belief that even such a ruined cemetery can make a significant contribution to the studies of the region’s past. The history of the lands of Czerniowce should not be deprived of their Polish chapters. The aim of the article is to increase the awareness of scholars and the general public alike and to draw their attention to the fate of the monuments of Polish cultural heritage outside the country.
EN
Based on a study of Czech and Polish sources and the contemporary press, the article introduces one of the chapters in the relations between the Czechs and the Poles in the Těšín region immediately following World War II. The focal point is an analysis of the political parties' standpoints to solving the problems of the Polish minority in the Těšín region, which became a very hot issue particularly during the pre-election campaign in 1946. Besides characterising the Těšín situation during the first month following the end of World War II, the text concentrates on the position of citizens who were forced to accept a conditional Reichs citizenship during the war (Deutsche Volksliste) that involved many Poles. The author uses the researched material to document that the issue of the Polish minority in the Těšín region became an important tool in the pre-election campaign and in the struggle between the Communists and the national socialists. Although the communists' attitude towards the Polish minority was the most positive of all the political parties and willing to support part of the Poles' minority demands, the analysis of the election outcome suggests that part of the Poles probably decided to cast a white ballot in the ballot box, thus protesting against the minority policy of the Czechoslovak government.
EN
This article presents the relations between identity and religion based on biographical interviews with people of Polish decent currently living in Crimea. Poles in Crimea are a minority functioning in a multinational context, among 134 other nations. According to the last census nearly 4,000 people declared membership of the Polish group. The conducted research shows that persons of Polish decent are dispersed, constituting larger clusters in cities such as Simferopol, Sevastopol or Yalta. It is there that after 1991 Roman-Catholic parishes and associations of Poles have been established. The objectives of the associations are to integrate the dispersed communities, safeguard the remembrance of history and culture, as well as maintain ties with the homeland. The article considers the role of religion in relation to identity on three levels: the construction, maintainability, and change of identity. On the first level, a significant element repeatedly mentioned in the biographical narratives is baptism, as an initiation into the religious community, and celebrating Christmas and Easter. Baptism in the Orthodox rite was frequent in the researched group and, as it occurred, was a path to changing one's identity; similarly to mixed marriages. What is interesting, in maintaining one's identity an important role is played by identifying Polishness with Catholicism, also in the group of people who have a complex, contextual identity and, depending on this context, identify themselves as Poles or Russians. In all cases the recollections of lost coherent national and religious identity among the ancestors are kept alive. They are important in maintaining one's identity and take part in constructing the boundaries of group identity, mainly in relation to the Russians as a dominant group, and in differentiating Catholicism from Orthodoxy. In these comparisons Poles are characterized by higher culture, spirituality, linkages with the European tradition and the ability to treasure it. These functions are strengthened by a revival of Catholicism in Crimea, possible after the collapse of the Soviet Union and enabling the respondents to manifest the links between this religion and Polishness by means of participating in religious practices and organizing activities in a few Roman Catholic parishes.
EN
The article is an inquiry on how the figure of Edith Stein functions in the collective memory of Poles, Germans and Jews within the several decades since her death. The topic is tackled from the perspective of culture studies and philosophy. An analysis of official manifestations of memory, especially in Germany and in the Catholic Church, is an introduction to an in-depth analysis of the modes of presence of this figure in culture (literature, film) as well as the role of regional and religious communities, societies and different milieus in Poland and Germany in creating the memory of Edith Stein. The text shows how the same values for which Edith Stein is remembered in one community of memory might and indeed do result in oblivion in other communities, while in still different ones serve to build national or regional identity.
PL
Na początku lat 80. XX w., w związku z napiętą sytuacją polityczną i kryzysem ekonomicznym w Polsce, tysiące ludzi wyruszyło na emigrację do Europy Zachodniej. Preferowanym kierunkiem stał się wówczas nie tak odległy Berlin Zachodni. Polacy włożyli wiele energii, by zintegrować się ze społeczeństwem przyjmującym, wypracowując odpowiednie strategie pobytowe. Przyczyniły się one do powstania określonych stylów życia, czyli zespołu zachowań charakterystycznych dla tej właśnie grupy. W ostatnich latach ulegają one modyfikacjom, m.in. w związku z procesem transnacjonalizacji migrantów. W artykule analizuję zachodzące zmiany na podstawie wyników badań, które przeprowadziłam w latach 2009–2015.
EN
At the beginning of the 1980s, due to the tense political situation and the economic crisis in Poland, thousands of people set out to emigrate to Western Europe. A particularly popular destination was West Berlin, located near the Polish border. The Poles have put a lot of energy to integrate into the host society, developing appropriate integration strategies. They have contributed to the emergence of certain lifestyles as a set of behaviors characteristic of this particular group. In recent years they have been modified, among others in connection with the process of transnationalisation of migrants. The article analyses the changes on the basis of the results of research carried out by the author between 2009–2015.
PL
Każde zjawisko migracyjne przejawia ogólne charakterystyki, a jednocześnie własną, lokalną specyfikę. Dlatego dla potrzeb analizy komparatystycznej istnieje konieczność jego typologizacji. Celem tego artykułu jest próba diachroniczno-synchronicznej strukturalizacji imigracji polskiej we Włoszech. Jej liczbę szacuje się na około 140 tys. (niespełna 3% wszystkich imigrantów, których jest ok. 5 milionów). Jest ona zdominowana przez imigrację zarobkową, która w dużej części jest nielegalna (około 35 tys. osób). W strukturze tej imigracji wyróżniają się cztery podstawowe kategorie: historyczna, kombatancka, solidarnościowa i zarobkowa. Imigracja historyczna obejmuje polskie środowiska zakorzenione pokoleniowo w kontekście włoskim; jest to pokolenie kulturowego pomostu pomiędzy wielowiekową polską tradycją emigracyjną we Włoszech a dzisiejszym polskim środowiskiem imigracyjnym. Imigracja kombatancka oznacza nieliczną imigrację powojenną rekrutującą się z byłych żołnierzy II Korpusu Wojska Polskiego gen. Andersa, których tradycję podtrzymują rodziny i potomkowie. Imigracja solidarnościowa powstała z emigracji w okresie jawnej i podziemnej działalności „Solidarności” (1980–1989); była imigracją polityczną i w pewnej mierze krypto-zarobkową. Imigracja zarobkowa ma miejsce od 1989 r.; jest to emigracja ludzi młodych, wahadłowa, sezonowa, tymczasowa, w której najliczniejsze są kobiety.
EN
The aim of this article is a diachronic-synchronic analysis of Polish immigration to Italy. The number of Polish migrants in Italy is estimated at about 140.000 (3% of the estimated total of 5 million immigrants). Most of them are economic immigrants and in many casesirregular (about 35.000 persons). Four basic categories of migrants can be recognized: historical migrants, war veterans, post-Solidarity migrants, and economic migrants. Historical immigration is the legacy of many generations of Poles which have put down roots in Italy. It is a generation which constitutes a cultural bridge between the centuriesold tradition and the current immigration of Poles to Italy. War veteran immigration is represented by former soldiers of the Second Polish Corps fighting in Italy under General Anders during World War II. Today, it is represented by their relatives and descendants. The post-Solidarity migration is formed by immigrants from the period between 1981 and 1989. Not all these migrants were members of Solidarność but they all claim to be political refugees. Finally, the economic immigration began in 1989 and comprises young, circular, seasonal, and temporary workers, mostly women.
PL
Amerykanie o polskich korzeniach stanowią jedną z najliczniejszych grup narodowościowych zarówno w samym mieście, jak i w Wielkiej Metropolii Chicagowskiej (zaraz po Meksykanach). Stawiając pytanie, ilu Amerykanów polskiego pochodzenia mieszka w Chicago lub na przedmieściach, na ogół nie znajduje się takich samych odpowiedzi. Dysproporcje biorą się stąd, że nie ma konkretnego kryterium, kogo można bądź należy zaliczyć do polskiej grupy narodowościowej, jak również stąd, że nie wszyscy biorą udział w ogólnym spisie ludności. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie rozmieszczenia przestrzennego Polonii zamieszkującej Wielką Metropolię Chicagowską w latach 1980, 1990, 2000 i 2010, oraz analiza zjawiska rozprzestrzeniania się Polonii poza granice miasta Chicago, do innych hrabstw. Analizie poddana została również koncentracja Polaków zamieszkujących poszczególne dzielnice miasta Chicago w roku 1980 i 2010 oraz omówienie zjawiska migrowania przez Polonię ze starych dzielnic śródmiejskich do bogatszych, dalej oddalonych od centrum.
EN
Americans with Polish roots constitute one of the largest ethnic groups, both in the city itself as well as in the Larger Chicago Metropolitan Area (just aft er Mexicans). When trying to answer the question of how many Americans of Polish origin live in Chicago or surrounding areas, the same answers are generally never found twice. Th e reason for such disproportions is that there is no particular criterion who can or should be included in the Polish ethnic group and not all people take part in the general population census as well. Th e objective of the article is to present the spatial distribution of the Polonia in the Larger Chicago Metropolitan Area in the following years: 1980, 1990, 2000 and 2010 as well as to analyse the phenomenon of the spreading of the Polonia beyond the boundaries of the city to other counties. Th e concentration of Poles living in specifi c districts of the city of Chicago in the years 1980 and 2010 as well as the discussion of the phenomenon of migration of the Polonia from Inner-city districts to richer ones located further from the centre are also the subject of analysis.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia genezę, ewolucję pojęcia rasizmu i mechanizmów mu pokrewnych oraz percepcji tych zjawisk we współczesnej Polsce na przykładzie diaspory arabskiej, której członkowie potencjalnie mogą się stać oraz często rzeczywiście stają się ofi arami rasizmu i zjawisk mu podobnych. W artykule zaprezentowano pojęcia: rasizm, dystans społeczny, uprzedzenia, dyskryminacja, stygmatyzacja, marginalizacja, wykluczenie, stereotypizacja „obcych”, ksenofobia oraz nietolerancja w aspekcie teorii socjologicznych. W tekście zaprezentowano również przykładowe wypowiedzi respondentów badań terenowych przeprowadzonych w dwunastu miastach Polski od maja 2013 do marca 2014 roku (członków arabskiej diaspory i Polaków) na tematy związane z postrzeganiem „obcych” i percepcją ww. zjawisk w Polsce.
EN
This paper presents the genesis and evolution of the concept of racism and related mechanisms and the perception of those occurrences in contemporary Poland with regard to the Arab Diaspora, whose members can potentially be its victims and in fact they oft en are the victims of racism and related occurrences. Issues as: racism, social distance, prejudices, discrimination, stigmatization, marginalization, exclusion, stereotypization of an “alien”, xenophobia and intolerance are also presented in the context of sociological theories. The paper includes the opinions of respondents of fi eldwork conducted in twelve cities in Poland between May 2013 and March 2014 (members of Arab Diaspora and Poles) regarding the subjects connected with perceiving „aliens” and the perception of above mentioned occurrences in Poland.
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