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1
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Stanowisko szwajcarskich partii politycznych wobec integracji europejskiej – europeizacja dyskursu politycznego

100%
Sporek T.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
|
2015
|
issue 2
45-60
EN
The objective of the article is to analyse some fragment of the Swiss public discourse, in the field of the European integration as seen from the political parties’ percpective. The analysis shows that there can be observed the phenoomenon of Europpeanisation – the party programs, manifestoes, and political argumentation is more and more saturated with the European Union problematic as well as it is more intense and more salient.
2
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Status prawny europejskiej transnarodowej federacji partii politycznych – studium przypadku Europejskiej Partii Ludowej) Source: quarterly European Studies (Studia Europejskie

100%
Kaleta P.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2012
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issue 3
111-132pl
EN
The legal status of federations of political parties on the European Union level is expressed both in the primary and secondary EU law. Certain criticism and further evolution notwithstanding, the definitions and financing criteria provided therein seem to clarify the situation of these federations in a sufficient, comprehensive manner. In turn, their by-laws and internal organisational provisions show that European transnational federations of political parties play an important role in the European Union institutions and the political process taking place therein. An analysis of these provisions seems to prove also their additional value as pioneering legal solutions in the political organisation on the Union level – again, notwithstanding certain doubts on their formulation. The European People’s Party, as the biggest existing federation, is a good example of their legal and political features.
3
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THE FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION OF FOREIGNERS IN POLITICAL PARTIES IN POLAND: THE CONSTITUTIONAL ASPECT (Konstytucyjny aspekt zrzeszania sie cudzoziemcow w partiach politycznych w Polsce)

100%
Dabrowski M.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2011
|
issue 2(103)
107-124
EN
The article deals with Article 11of the Polish Constitution which establishes the freedom of association in political parties in Poland. It provides that political parties may be founded on the principle of voluntariness and upon the equality of Polish citizens, and their purpose shall be to influence the formulation of the policy of the State by democratic means. According to the Constitution and acts implementing its provisions, it is claimed that the freedom of association in political parties is reserved only for Polish citizens and foreigners are not allowed to participate in this kind of association to express their political interests. In the first part of the article the author describes arguments that confirm the above-mentioned interpretation of Article 11 of the Constitution. There are two main points: (1) the grammatical and literal interpretation and (2) the historical interpretation. It is claimed that the said provision of the Constitution guarantees this freedom only for Polish citizens. This understanding is confirmed by the practice of its interpretation. The author doesn't agree with this point of view. He believes that such interpretation omits an important part of Article 11. This provision refers to the freedom of association of citizens for the purpose of influencing the formulation of the State policy. It doesn't concern the influence on the formulation of the policy of the European Union and local self-governments. From the provision one may reconstruct a legal norm according to which foreigners are refused to associate in political parties for the purpose of changing the policy of the State, but there are no arguments supporting a legal norm saying that foreigners must not associate in parties for the purpose of exerting influence on the functioning the European Union and local self-governments. Political parties participate in all this areas. Foreigners (especially citizens of European Union) are entitled to take part in elections to the European Parliament and to constitutive, executive organs of self governments. Political parties enable enjoyment of political rights and freedoms by foreigners. The author considers such exclusion as discrimination against foreigners in the area of political freedoms in Poland.
4
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Dynamika utváření nových stran v České republice v letech 1996–2010: hledání možných příčin politického zemětřesení

100%
Hanley S.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2011
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vol. 47
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issue 1
115-137
EN
The stable and closed nature of the party system and the failure of most new political parties were among the most salient features of Czech democracy over the past two decades. The results of the 2010 parliamentary elections seemed to mark a break with this pattern: support for two main parties slumped to historically low levels and two new parties, TOP 09 and Public Affairs (Věci veřejné), entered parliament. This article seeks to put the ‘political earthquake’ of 2010 into perspective by mapping the development of new parties in the Czech Republic over the past two decades and relating them to comparative literature and typologies of new party emergence. It concludes that, of the two successful new parties in 2010, Public Affairs was by far the more novel and important phenomenon.
5
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EUROSKEPTICKÉ PROJEVY ČESKÝCH POLITICKÝCH STRAN

100%
Gřešák D.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2022
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vol. 54
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issue 3
189 – 216
EN
Content analysis was applied to list and analyse Eurosceptic references that appeared in press releases of Czech political parties, which are posted on their official websites. The article includes the themes that resonated with the political parties within their Eurosceptic narrative. Based on the founded information, it was possible to identify the main motives of Euroscepticism and to distinguish political parties according to typologies of Euroscepticism. The added value of the article is the comparison of the Eurosceptic communication of political parties. Based on the results, it is therefore possible to identify how the parties argue their criticism of the EU and also to compare this argumentation across parties. Political parties' speeches on the EU can influence public opinion or social discourse on this political-economic union.
6

POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OF WORKER AND TRADE UNIONS INTERESTS (Polityczne reprezentacje interesów pracowniczych i zwiazkowych)

100%
Nalewajko E.
Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)
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2009
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issue 23
173-204
EN
The article deals with the nature and conditions underlying mutual relations between Poland's trade unions and political parties. One of the ways in which trade unions operate is by bringing pressure to bear on the parties, with the objective of better satisfying the needs and requirements of their members. Meanwhile, in their fight to gain and retain power, the political parties require the capital represented by the trade unions' ability to mobilise and they need the unions' support. It is this which dictates the mutual dependence of assumedly autonomous institutional structures in a democratic state. Eventually, the nature of the mutual relations falls into a specific pattern, this being the result of separate development processes on the part of both sides. The unions might be constructed, for example, in accordance with a management model focused on a powerful internal organisational structure and leadership, as well as ongoing communication with the membership; they might also follow a political model, based on building relationships with leaders in the political milieu and external organisations. This second developmental track threatens the unions with weakness, curtailing their autonomy and politicisation. In this case, the trap of exchange relationships becoming petrified, or of their being blocked in the case of selected political partners, becomes utterly realistic.The single most influential trade union, NSZZ Solidarity, is placed at the focal centre. The organisation's relations with the current major players on the political scene, 'Platforma Obywatelska - PO' (Civic Platform) and 'Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc - PiS' (Law and Justice), are considered. The union's predominant political developmental track is shown, as is the resulting petrification of relations with the political parties. In its relationship with PiS, what predominates is an exchange of support, and symbolic resources which is based on collaboration and functions regardless of whether that party is in opposition or in power. In its relationship with PO, it is conflict, the blocking of exchange, blackmail and games with resources which are evident. In this situation, the effective representation of employee interests is difficult and it is not hard, in such a situation, to understand the oft-expressed dissatisfaction of union members. The keener the union leaders are to employ these moods in their battle for political influence, the more forcefully and the less conventionally the members articulate this dissatisfaction. As a result of the institutionalised trade union culture, such a situation will be difficult to repair.
7

FINANCOVANIE A KONTROLA FINANCOVANIA POLITICKÝCH STRÁN: MOŽNOSTI A PERSPEKTÍVY

100%
Švecová N.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2012
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vol. 5
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issue 1
26 – 38
EN
The financial dimension of existence of political parties is in Political Science a relatively new issue. The research oriented on financing of political parties is important on the ground of the position of political parties in political and law systems. Therefore the primary aim of the study is to outline different options and alternatives, legal principles and methods of party financing and control of party financing in EU Member States. Following the comparative basis the ambition of the study is to create a comprehensive approach to the subsistent options of selected dimensions of funding of political parties, ergo it seeks to provide a reference source in assessable language and format. In its conclusion the study cogitates over the issue of minimal standards for party financing. For as much as the principle of equality is frequently conceived different in system of party financing and different in system of control of party financing, the study aims to initiate the discussion on balanced relation between the system of financing of political parties and system of control of party funding.
8
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POLITICAL PARTIES' AUTONOMY AND AN INTERNAL DEMOCRACY ISSUE (Autonomia partii politycznych a problem demokracji wewnetrznej)

100%
Sulkowski J.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2011
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issue 3(104)
73-89
EN
Political parties' autonomy is a constitutionally protected value, however the scope of its protection cannot ignore the political reality, particularly the constant erosion of traditional functions of political parties. Currently, it seems that internal democracy has become an absolute prerequisite for the performance by political groups of their role in conformity with the Constitution. Internal party democracy might be considered to be as important for the functioning of political parties as party autonomy. Therefore, the legislature should adopt laws providing for guarantees of rights of party members, governing - inter alia - the procedure in disciplinary matters and allowing for recourse to the court in such cases. The principle of party autonomy does not justify leaving the issue of expelling a party member within the scope of internal party regulations (statutes), as it would lead to arbitrariness on the part of political groups. The voluntary nature of association in political parties implies an obligation to provide citizens with legal recourse against arbitrary deprivation of rights ensuing from party membership. The possibility to contest substantial internal party decisions before the courts by party members should be supported. It is also well considering that decisions of party authorities be made public, e.g. on the Internet web-pages of a political group. Public access to such documents would facilitate wider debate and prevent, even partly, the arbitrary practices of party leaders.
9
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EUROPEANIZATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES: REDEFINING CONCEPTS IN A UNITED EUROPE

100%
Henderson K.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2009
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vol. 41
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issue 6
526 – 538
EN
‘Europeanization’ is a term widely used yet hard to define, and applying existing definitions to the new EU member states poses challenges. In the context of political parties and party change, identifying direct and indirect impacts of Europeanization is complicated by the strong effects of EU conditionality. A new framework for defining Europeanization may include re-examining how parties in new member states relate to the EU as a political and economic project. The EU may affect not merely organisational structures and programmes of parties, but also the shape of the party system itself. Where accession proved problematic, as in the Slovak case, development of complex EU-related policies may be impeded, with parties less concerned with uploading policy preferences. A better understanding the nature of party politics in Central and Eastern Europe will facilitate research about how they have been Europeanized.
10

FROM THE REAL POLITICS MOVEMENT TO THE REAL POLICY PARTY. ON THE POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT OF THE 'STANCZYK' JOURNAL IN 1986-2004 (Od Ruchu Polityki Realnej do Stronnictwa Polityki Realnej. O ...zaangazowaniu pisma 'Stanczyk' w latach 1986-2004)

100%
Sikorski T.
Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)
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2008
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issue 22
71-104
EN
The article dwells on the political involvement of the Wroclaw-published 'Stanczyk' journal in 1986-2004. It presents two dimensions of involvement: metapolitical (ideological) and practical. The author emphasised the ideological evolution of the journal, pointing to its turning points. In its less than twenty-year history, 'Stanczyk' evolved from conservative-liberal to post-modernist ('a harbinger of the post-conservative era'). The ideological masters of 'Wrocław school of political thought' included various characters, reaching down to different traditions of political reflection, such as Stefan Kisielewski, Andrzej Walicki and Ernst Jünger, to mention but a few, together with other conservative revolutionists, or the 'Chicago Boys', with Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman at their forefront. Its authors formed an elite, compact, though not an ideologically coherent one. Their writings were pervaded by various threads, sometimes originating in the same ideas, sometimes entirely contradictory. In the political dimension, the 'Stanczyk' milieu inspired the changes within the Real Politics Union which led to an open split in the mid-90s. The split had multiple reasons, from the contest concerning the Union's leadership and ideological identity, to the political strategy of the conservative-liberals. In the end, however, the emergence of a new party, the Real Politics Party, upon the inspiration coming from the Wroclaw 'Stanczyk', did not mean a victory. In its entirety, it should be said that the 'Stanczyk' milieu was consistently more ideological than political and that no transparent and, at the same time, effective method of political action had been devised in the years when Poland was undergoing the transformation of its political and economic system. When seen from the perspective of the years gone by, balancing between a presence, even illusorical, within the RPU structures and building up structures of its own, was a political error. What was missing was a 'political sense', pragmatism and the skills necessary to build political coalitions. In conclusion, it may be said that the 'Stanczyk' milieu failed to achieve its political task. Effectiveness and political pragmatism gave way to an excessively bloated espousal of an ideology, supported by a sometimes very anachronic, or even onion-skin-thin axiology.
11
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Zastosowanie elementów teorii organizacji i zarzadzania w badaniach nad partiami politycznymi

100%
Kosowska-Gastol B., Wyciślak S.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 2(14)
407-434
EN
The aim of this article is to consider the possibility of using elements derived from organization and management theory in research on political parties. The following issues have been analyzed in particular: organization’s goals, conceptions of development, environment and boundaries, structure and selected functions as well as strategic analysis methods. The authors have applied the system approach, which makes it possible to compare objects representing various research disciplines. The belief that both the company and the party are organizations that create specific systems has made us lean towards choosing this way. The analysis has shown that research studies on political parties as well as political parties themselves could benefit a lot from the application of organization and management science. Parties should in particular: firstly – focus on having a long -lasting organizational structure that, which is connected to development and adjustment to the environment; secondly – pay attention to the need of optimizing their structures (balancing between hierarchic and stratarchic, centralized and decentralized, formalized and deformalized structures); thirdly – attach more importance to the elaboration of appropriate strategies as well as the use of strategy management methods and techniques.
12
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RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN CONTEMPORARY EUROPE: AN OVERVIEW

100%
Wojciechowski S.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2005
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issue 27
129-136
EN
The article examines right-wing extremism, which is regarded as one of the major problems facing Europe today. First, issues connected with the terminology and classification of radical political parties, their leaders, and members are discussed. Substantial attention is devoted to the origin and scope of the phenomena in contemporary European countries. The author next discuses a variety of means for preventing political extremism. Special attention is also devoted to the transformation of extremism, as well as to its specific features and diversity in individual countries. The author describes specific characteristics of those groups of right-wing electorates which support and vote for radical parties in election campaigns.
13
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Mechanismy inkluze a exkluze žen v politice v České republice

100%
Rakusanova P.
Gender, rovné příležitosti, výzkum (Gender, Equal Opportunities, Research)
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2005
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vol. 6
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issue 2
25-30
EN
The article deals with causes of lower involvement of women in political functions in the Czech Republic. The authoress identifies three sets of significant factors: institutional, socioeconomic and political cultural. Her approach is based on the model proposed by Pippa Norris to explain ratio of women in political functions in western European states, which involves both institutional and social factors that influence women's political participation. Thus, the authoress focuses on institutional rules that constitute barriers of entry of women in political functions. Furthermore, she studies an influence of ways of functioning of political parties that affect the level of gender equality in political representation. Finally, she examines attitudes of Czech public and particularly Czech women to women's political participation as well as reflexion of the lower political representation of women in the public discourse. (www.genderonline.cz/view.php?cisloclanku=2006020605)
14
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VOLEBNÉ PROGRAMY POLITICKÝCH STRÁN A HNUTÍ V KONTEXTE PROBLEMATIKY CESTOVNÉHO RUCHU

100%
Tej J., Ali Taha V., Sirková M.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 2
85 – 96
EN
The article focuses on analysis of tourism in the platforms of the Slovak political parties and the Government Declaration of 2016. The paper is based on the proclamation of politicians about the importance of Slovak tourism for the development of the regions. The aim of the paper is to analyse the approach of Slovak political parties and their voters to tourism as an important sector of the national economy. The paper contains a survey conducted among voters, which shows interest in platforms of political parties as well as voters' opinions on Government measures.
15
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Kořeny a motivace východní kolonizace – srovnání státní a stranické zájmové roviny

100%
Doubek V.
Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)
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2007
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vol. 32
211-224
EN
The study brought a comparison of the reaction to the emigration phenomenon from the point of view of state and political party structures. The politics of migration was one of the themes for which the interests of political parties in the national representation and the state establishment merged. The study compares the transformation of the strategy of the representatives of both political structures taken from this point of view, specifically the evolution of the strategy in the context of the complete political development of the time period of 1840 to 1860.
16
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CULTURE IN THE ELECTION PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN GERMANY (2009) (Kultura w programach wyborczych partii politycznych w Niemczech (2009 rok))

100%
Waginska-Marzec M.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2010
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issue 2(335)
174-187
EN
Each of the German political parties that entered the Bundestag after the election of 2009 (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, Die Linke and Bundnis 90/Die Grunen) devoted much space in their election programs to issues of cultural policy and culture. The catalog of problems to which attention was drawn overlapped at many points, sometimes differing only in emphasis. Issues highlighted by all the parties included among others: strengthening the status of culture by a regulation in the Constitution that would impose mandatory support of culture by the state; favoring freedom of culture and art and its widespread accessibility; maintaining cultural diversity and investing in the development of cultural and creative economy (Kultur- und Kreativwirtschaft). Willingness was also declared to improve artists' working conditions and material situation by creating more feasible (tax and legal) regulations for the development of their artistic production (including effective protection of copyright laws) and a better system of health/retirement insurance. The need was emphasized to support public institutions in the cultural sphere and the German film industry. Greater activity was called for in the domain of foreign cultural policy, cultivation of the culture of memory, the role of cultural education, etc. All the parties noted the importance of cultural issues as an element of building national identity, expressing their will to improve the existing situation so as to create more optimal conditions and opportunities for the development of culture and the arts.
17
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Občanská demokratická strana a prosazení stranickosti v české demokracii devadesátých let

100%
Hadjiisky M.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2011
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vol. 47
|
issue 1
89-115
EN
This article focuses on the emergence of the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). It attempts to trace the party’s origins in several possible, coinciding factors that in the Czech Republic led not just to the establishment of ODS, but also to the institutionalisation of professional party organisation as such. On the one hand, the article points to the significance of interactions between the various groups within Civic Forum (OF), where the group around Václav Klaus asserted the ‘standard model’ of party competition. On the other hand, it questions the simplifying theory of ODS as a party of ‘economists’ and on the contrary shows that its success depended not so much on its economic vision as on the existence of an important group of post-normalisation ‘technocrats’, who after 1989 provided an anchoring for this vision among Czech regional elites. Their crucial support for professional party organisation stemmed from the absence of any other method of self-legitimisation, something which, by contrast, former dissidents were able to rely on, as were defenders of the model of political organisation that did not envision the existence of other political parties.
18

Wies w programach polskich partii politycznych w okresie 1989-2011

100%
Szpyt M.
Wieś i Rolnictwo
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2011
|
issue 4(153)
83-102
EN
The article discusses the vision of rural community and rural areas as presented in the programs of political parities during parliamentary elections in Poland since 1989. The author analyzes electoral programs of the parties that won seats in the Sejm (Lower House) in 1989, 1991, 1993, 1997, 2001, 2005, 2007 and 2011, pointing to issues emphasized by individual parties and to actions proposed by them. In the conclusion of the article the author puts a question whether political parties truly represent the interests of the Polish countryside and try to react to the problems of the inhabitants of rural areas.
19

FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENCE PARTY IN POST-WAR IRAQ

88%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2016
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vol. 25
|
issue 1
17 – 31
EN
In the post-World War II period, as turbulent times were sweeping the Middle East, the Iraqi political elite became aware that the liberal and moderate nationalists had begun to come to the fore in Iraqi politics. The victory of the British Labour Party in the parliamentary elections of 1945 was particularly discussed in political circles in Baghdad. Owing to continued protests made by representatives of various shades of opinion, the regent, motivated principally by political expedience, took the unprecedented step and on 27 December 1945 in front of deputies and senators announced measures to liberalise the political order. He called for the formation of political parties, and promised full freedom for their activities and the inauguration of economic and social reforms. The task was entrusted to Tawfīq as-Suwaydī who brought into his cabinet younger personnel whose political outlook was less inflexible than that of the old politicians. This government was naturally short lived.
20
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Lokální politické stranictví na českém venkově od sklonku 19. století do roku 1945

88%
Copik J., Cmejrek J.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2011
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vol. 19
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issue 1
47-66
EN
Political and social life in former Cisleithania was developing from the 1860s on. As of the 1890s, the political parties, based until that time on notabilities, were gradually transformed into mass organizations. This was linked with a merge of political activity with the economic interests of particular political streams. Another typical feature of political party life during the existence of Cisleithania and postwar Czechoslovakia was the deep rootedness of national political parties in local communities. The links to local communities were broken with the destruction of the party-based political system after 1938 and were never fully restored.
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