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1

'EMILE' OR A LIFE APART FROM SOCIETY

100%
Waskiewicz A.
Etyka (Ethics)
|
2007
|
issue 40
62-76
EN
AThe article offers an interpretation of Rousseau's 'Emile' as an account of a social situation in which man can be recovered from alienation and live according to his nature; the other three situations are: the republic, a small community outside society, and solitude. Rousseau's Emile lives in a society but he keeps distance from its members; indeed, he lives on the margin of the community. Being a stranger in the Simmelian sense, he shares with members of the society everything that is common to human beings with the exception of what makes them members of the community. Emile is then alien to them but he is not alienated, for it is him, not them, who lives according to human nature. Rousseau claims that Emile could live in each of the other situations. However, as it is argued in the paper, if Emile wants to live only in freely chosen social situations, he must live in solitude, for which he is in fact best suited.
2

Eurípidés a Platón: dvě podoby kritiky mýtu o autochtonii

80%
Daneš J.
Listy filologické (Folia philologica)
|
2011
|
vol. 134
|
issue 3-4
245-263
EN
The myth of autochthony was one of the key elements of ancient Athenian democratic ideology. Therefore, it is not surprising that two clever critics and observers of Athenian democratic society – Euripides and Plato – paid particular attention to this myth. According to the myth of autochthony, the citizens (or the ancestors of the citizens) were not born of human mothers and fathers but fashioned in the earth. What are the political implications of the myth of autochthony in general? First, it provides the unity of political society and strictly separates citizens from non-citizens. Second, it explains the equal rights of the citizens. Third, it pretends that the boundaries of the cities in the world are dictated by nature itself and not by human contract or agreements. Fourth, it legitimises the exclusion of women from politics – the earth is the only mother of all citizens. Fifth, the myth of autochthony definitely resolves the permanent question: to whom does or did the land belong? In his tragedy Ion, Euripides questions the myth of autochthony and its implications for the foundation of a political society without women (the character of Creusa). He also suggests that Athenian society which thinks of itself as tolerant and open, is, in fact, on the basis of this myth, intolerant and xenophobic (the character of the old Tutor). On the one hand, the myth of autochthony provides order to the city, but on the other hand it closes and limits the possibilities of the city. Plato’s attitude is a little different. In the Republic he obviously acknowledges the value of this myth for the unity and stability of the political society, but he tries to eliminate the egalitarian implications of this noble lie, as Socrates calls it (Rep. 414c). So he introduces his own autochthony myth concerning the three classes of citizens (gold, silver, and iron-copper), thus legitimating a hierarchical political society.
3

KIERKEGAARDOVA APOLITICKÁ POLITIKA ANEB JAK ODEVZDAT CÍSAŘOVO CÍSAŘOVI A BOŽÍ BOHU

80%
Marek J.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2016
|
vol. 71
|
issue 4
270 – 281
EN
This paper deals with S. Kierkegaard as a political thinker from a viewpoint of consistency of his literary corpus. In the first section it analyses the main aspects of the contemporary interest in Kierkegaard’s political philosophy and suggests that such interest might result in inappropriate expectations and interpretations. The second section deals with Kierkegaard’s authorship and offers a short overview of the works directly proving Kierkegaard’s continuous interest in politics. The third and fourth sections examine Kierkegaard’s criticism of politics and his main argument claiming that the plurality of qualitatively different spheres is being dissolved in the melting pot of politics. Kierkegaard’s rebuff of politics is to be read as a defence of the single individual and of the absolute relation to the absolute. Lastly, in the fifth section, the paper provides an interpretation of several controversial journal entries by Kierkegaard where he maintains that Christian existence is to be indifferent to the political and should not get involved in attempts at changing the world. Against some interprets who tried to mitigate the severity of such utterances, we argue that Kierkegaard understood Christianity as necessarily presupposing hardship and obstacles, whereas the over-amplified facility and ease of life leads to spiritlessness. This, as the paper suggests, is the reason why Kierkegaard refused to present positive political solutions to the socio-political problems of his time.
4

UTRPENÍ AKTUÁLNOSTI

80%
Horyna B.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2019
|
vol. 74
|
issue 5
394 – 404
EN
The essay describes various opportunities in which to use the word timeliness. On the basis of three historically different opinions it shows how different and situationally dependent is the timeliness speech of philosophy. The aims of this speech do not come from the philosophy itself, but from the side purposes. Claims about the topicality of philosophy do not concern any philosophical value, but stem from the will and intentions of the authors. Therefore, timeliness cannot be one of the criteria of philosophy.
5
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The "New" Confucianism vs. the Development of East Asia

80%
Sławiński R.
Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia
|
2011
|
issue 24
7-21
EN
Having drawn a history of the use of Confucianism in modern times in selected Asian countries (Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia No. 23), the author focuses on the question of evaluation of contemporary adaptations of Confucianism. The article quotes the opinions of the Chinese luminaries of philosophy from 1958 (New Confucian Manifesto), the earlier opinions of traditional thinkers (Chen Xujing (1933), Wang Xinming (1935), and of contemporary Taiwanese (Yi-yuan Li (1967), Chun-chieh Huang (2009)) concerning the usefulness of Confucianism in our contemporary time. This is followed by a critical discussion of the views of Zhu Rukai (2006) and Jiang Qing (2009), and the two Confucian concepts of the “harmonious society” (hexie shehui), “soft power”, and “moral government” (dezhi) enjoying top-down promotion. Further, in a fictionalised form, it presents a vision of living in a contemporary Confucian society. Finally, in the postscript, it reminds of the existence of another option, represented by the former participants of “the cultural revolution”.
6

On the foundation of the theories of justice

80%
Balogh I.
Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)
|
2004
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vol. 22
|
issue 4
379-425
EN
The well defined principles of justice serve as criteria for legitimation of the modern political order, and the institutional arrangements of the welfare state. Therefore the foundation of such principles can be conceived as one of the highest interests of democracy and of the contemporary political philosophy as well. The aim of this enquiry is to deliver a social-theoretical foundation for the principles of justice going beyond the actual attempts which give a pure logical foundation. The new theoretical foundation consists of four steps. First: the description of the structure of the field of justice. Second: analysing the actual strategies of the foundation of principles. Third: outlining the main point and sphere of a general social theory which can deliver a reliable foundation to approaching the current problems of justice. Fourth: a description of the main features of the main question of justice in the present, namely the emerging of the responsible person and the institutional conditions of its development.
7

PRINCIPLES OF ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

80%
Horyna B.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2023
|
vol. 78
|
issue suppl.
8 – 23
EN
Defining the problem: how political philosophy becomes environmental political philosophy. It is assumed that political philosophy is not represented by a purely conceptual analysis of basic political categories (justice, equality, freedom, etc.), but by every day and habitual political decisions and the actions that follow them. The aim of transforming political philosophy is to articulate it as an instrument of change in the management of society. At the present time (Anthropocene) nature cannot exist as a technological program. A closed, clear, obvious and unambiguous ontological determination of nature is not admitted in its specifically capitalist construction. Context triumphs over nature, and it is only the context of the appreciative economy that puts the terms “nature” and “value” in context.
8

'THE QUESTION IS WHETHER WE FIND THE UNITING THEMES FOR NEW EUROPE' ('Pytannia v tomy, chy znaidemo my ob'yednavchi temy dla novoi Yevropy')

80%
Manent P., Yosypenko S.
Філософська Думка
|
2010
|
issue 1
100-113
EN
The exchange of opinions between the author and Ukrainian translator of 'Popular Statement of Political Philosophy' touches specificity of this work and political philosophy stated in it, in particular, political philosophy and life of the community, role of politics in human life, specificity of French philosophy, place in it of the method of philosophizing personified by P. Manent following R. Aron. The problem of European modernism is one of the central problems for today's political philosophy in the opinion of both interlocutors; its solution, with respect to the specificity of each European country, should propose all the European countries a certain political perspective, which search is now the aim of not only politics but also intellectuals and all the European community.
9
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POJEM A IDEA DEMOKRACIE

80%
Feber J.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2015
|
vol. 4
|
issue 1
4 – 16
EN
The author analyses the concept of liberal democracy as an issue of political philosophy. The liberal democracy is considered as a form of governance with the consent of the people, which is also explicitly assigned value dimension. Western democratic political system derives its legitimacy from a commitment to promoting liberal values (freedom, equality, solidarity). The author expresses sceptically about the possibility of implementing liberal values within the boundaries of global capitalism.
10

BADIOU BEYOND FORMALIZATION? ON THE ETHICS OF THE SUBJECT

70%
Persijn J.-J.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2017
|
vol. 72
|
issue 9
724 – 735
EN
The paper addresses the tension between Badiou’s claim that his theory of the subject must be considered first of all as a ‘formal’ theory, and a certain genealogical history of his notion of the subject. In the latter case, it seems that a very specific political experience has played a crucial role (at least) for Badiou in his early conception of the subject. More particularly, the paper addresses this tension from an ethical perspective. As for the claim repeatedly made in his work, one can identify an implicitly ethical disposition in the formalization itself. At the same time, there are several formulations in his writings that seem to exceed the formal level. The paper examines four concepts or formulations appearing in his three main books (Theory of the Subject, Being and Event, Logics of Worlds) that seem to express a more or less explicit ethical dimension, namely his theory of affects, the principle ‘to decide the undecidable’, the contrast between ‘fidelity’ and ‘confidence’ and Badiou’s answer to the question What is it to live? The paper’s aim is to pinpoint the difference between the ethical stance implied in the formal description of Badiou’s theory of the subject and an explicit ‘ethics of the subject’. The author’s hypothesis is that the latter embodies a dimension that remains tacit in the formal expression of the subject’s ‘household’ alone: Badiou’s ubjectivity itself.
11

POLEMOS JAKO ODPOVĚĎ CARLA SCHMITTA NA KRIZI MODERNITY

70%
Slováček P.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2018
|
vol. 73
|
issue 3
169 – 178
EN
The aim of the article is to show what place the fight (polemos) occupies in a broader context marked out by the theory of the political, political theology, and the criticism of modernity or modern human. On this basis the key role the fight plays in Schmitt’s political philosophy can be demonstrated. This role of the fight is then recognizable first of all in the correspondence between his critical cultural and juridical philosophical writings as well as on the background of Schmitt’s evaluation of his own spiritual condition as presented in particular in his diaries.
12
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Postawy pro-merytokratyczne a postulaty redukcji nierówności dochodów: polska na tle innych krajów (2002-2008)

70%
Slomczyński K. M.
Rocznik Lubuski
|
2010
|
vol. 36
|
issue 2
54-69
EN
Theoretical arguments and empirical results presented in the article are aimed at triggering a discussion on socially accepted rules of the division of goods. The model of education meritocracy, based on the assumption that, in the hordes entering the job market, the relation between the level of education and awards for playing professional roles (expressed through wages and prestige) is as close as allowed by distributions of analyzed variables. Do the Poles support such a kind of meritocracy? Do they think that the level of wages should be strongly dependent on the level of education, the scope of responsibies and the quality of work instead of needs related to family (including children) support? What determines pro-meritocratic attitudes? The author attempts to answer these questions in the context of inter-state comparisons. It is important whether (and to what extent) Poland differs from other countries, especially Western and post-communist states, as far as pro-meritocratic and egalitarian attitudes as well as their determinants are concerned. In conclusion, implications for the analytical trend in political philosophy are presented.
13

BUBEROVA OTÁZKA JEDINCOVI

70%
Bizoň M.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2016
|
vol. 71
|
issue 4
304 – 315
EN
Martin Buber’s The Question to the Single One appeared in Nazi Germany at a time, when collectivism in its totalitarian forms was at the height of its development. On one hand this little book is an immediate reaction to the social-political situation in inter-war Europe. On the other hand it is a consideration of the anthropological question of the modern man from the point of view of dialogical personalism. The paper focuses on Buber’s critique of both the individualistic and collectivistic doctrines of ethical relativism. It examines also his category of the “single one in responsibility” as a response to both doctrines.
14

MATERIALIZMUS A MACHIAVELLIZMUS. POHĽAD MIROSLAVA KUSÉHO NA ČESKOSLOVENSKÚ SPOLOČNOSŤ V OBDOBÍ NORMALIZÁCIE

70%
Dalberg D. M.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2018
|
vol. 11
|
issue 2
32 – 49
EN
In the 1970s and the 1980s, the Czechoslovak regime of so called normalization could not reestablish terror of former Stalinist style. Slovak Marxist philosopher and dissident Miroslav Kusý (*1931) interpreted this situation as an agreement between the Communist Party on the one hand and the ruled people on the other which he expressed in the following line: “Shut up and you will be happy”. Kusý argues that an unconditional ban to criticize the political and economic situation of the country was accompanied by a special form of the official language people had to use in their public communication. Accepting these rules, they obtained a satisfaction of their personal economic needs. They were not obliged to believe in the socialist ideology of the Communist Party. However they had to pretend “as if” they did so. This caused a Machiavellian behaviour of common people: in order to gain their material prosperity people acted differently in public than they thought and acted in private.
15

TEORIE POLITIČNA CARLA SCHMITTA A JEJÍ ANTROPOLOGICKÉ A TEOLOGICKÉ PŘEDPOKLADY

70%
Slováček P.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2016
|
vol. 71
|
issue 10
821 – 831
EN
This article aims to introduce the mutual links between the key political points (political-philosophical and political-theological) of Carl Schmitt’s writings, set against the background of his own specific anthropology, which could be seen as inspired by Christianity, though certainly not traditional. The text shows the links between the “theory of the politics”, based on the categories of friend and enemy, and political theology, which can be understood as a process and even an (anthropological) project. This basis, formulated primarily in his key text The Concept of the Politics in its first and later editions is then compared, seen in anthropological perspective, with the central problems of earlier texts (The Value of the State and the Meaning of the Individual and Dictatorship) with the aim to indicate the development and continuity of C. Schmitt’s work. The paper shows that the theory of the politics is not reducible to the so-called “theory of friend / enemy”; its full understanding rather requires taking into consideration Schmitt’s anthropological stand, which in the twentieth century represents a specific and peculiar critique of modern thought and “modern man”. Despite the fact that Schmitt is a very problematic figure, it cannot be denied that his analyses, especially those from the 1920s, have their considerable worth even today.
16

MIMO LOGIKY REPREZENTÁCIE. PROBLÉM NEREPREZENTOVATEĽNÉHO VO FILOZOFII OBRAZU J. RANCIERA

70%
Fišerová M.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2008
|
vol. 63
|
issue 7
582-591
EN
The paper deals with the problem of representation on the background of J. Ranciere's political philosophy, in which he rejects the concept of the unrepresentable. The resolution of the problem follows from the confronting of two conceptions of the unrepresentable: that of the aesthetics of the sublime in Kant and Lyotard and of the politics of prohibition in Foucault on one hand and Ranciere's understanding of sharing the perceptible on the other hand. This discussion leads the authoress to the problem of visuality conceived as a set of the visual representations, which in a historically given period are legitimately visible. This definition of visuality returns the representation and the unrepresentable back into the political conception of image.
17

ROBERT PUTNAM: DŮVĚRA JAKO FUNDEMANTÁLNÍ PRVEK OBČANSKÉ KOMUNITY A DEMOKRATICKÉHO VLÁDNUTÍ

70%
Jarmara T.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2023
|
vol. 78
|
issue 1
14 – 24
EN
This paper deals with Robert Putnam as a political thinker from a viewpoint of the conception of social trust as a fundamental element of civic community and democratic governance, which is based on his study: Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy from 1993. The focus is on one of the key elements of his reasoning, namely the concept of confidence and an argumentative statement of his evolutionary view of building social trust in the civic communities of northern Italy and the reasons for its absence in the southern regions of Italy. Attention is also paid to Putnamʼs normative concept of spreading and building social trust. The final part summarizes Putnamʼs work and its possible use to analyse the prospects of democracy and democratic political culture in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
18
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SLOBODA A JEDNOTA

70%
Chmielewski A.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2013
|
vol. 2
|
issue 2
4 – 12
EN
The problems dealt in this study are problems of political philosophy and practice. Some new theoretical proposals as well as some interpretations of political doctrines of the past are developed in the study. The study is analytical in character and is devoted to definition and elaboration of theoretical ideas, most especially the one of two conceptions of unity. The study consists of the concept of two traditions in political thinking, conversational turn, egalitarianism (epistemological, moral and political), and the idea of agonistic democracy. These ideas are supplemented here by distinction between two concept of unity, inter-passivity, and the idea of the constitutive role of antagonism for (our understanding of) human nature, society and politics.
19

STÁLE AKTUÁLNY VIZIONÁR ANTONIO GRAMSCI

61%
Perný L.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2015
|
vol. 8
|
issue 1
93 – 105
EN
The paper analyses the main theoretical resources of what is called the practical philosophy of A. Gramsci, with an emphasis on the philosophy of history associated with collective will and historicism. Gramsci‘s contribution is updated and compared with the statements made by his predecessors, contemporaries, neo-Marxist followers, ideological opponents as well as contemporary philosophers. The mission of this paper is to recall the message of the neglected and ignored representative of cultural Marxism. According to Gramsci, the human being is a process of his actions, philosophy in human action, the historical process is governed by collective will, which results from wills and deeds and the truth is objectively given, and is independent of where and when it is recognized. The central motif is practical transformation of the world through art and philosophy, that is, through what is named cultural hegemony, which will transform itself from an elitist culture into a culture for all human beings. Gramsci‘ s philosophy is a unique fusion of Croce’s idealistic and spiritual understanding of the philosophy of history with the theory of Marxism.
20

FREEDOM IN THE ANTHROPOCENE: BRINGING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY TO GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS

61%
Coeckelbergh M.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2023
|
vol. 78
|
issue suppl.
52 – 61
EN
In order to address the current global challenges, including climate change, it is helpful to connect environmental and technology ethics, and bring in political philosophy. After briefly exploring some relations between AI and climate change, this essay draws on my recent work – in particular the book Green Leviathan or the Poetics of Political Liberty – to discuss the topic of political freedom in the light of climate change and AI in the Anthropocene. Starting from the need for changing human behaviour into more climate and environmentally friendly directions, it discusses nudging and climate change, warns for the danger of green authoritarianism, and, inspired by the capabilities approach and critical theory, explores notions of freedom that go beyond the libertarianism authoritarianism dilemma. This leads to a consideration of more relational notions of freedom that link freedom to justice and human flourishing and to a brief reflection on anthropocentrism and the modern focus on control.
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