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EN
In his paper, the author reveals the poetical controversies of the Mai 68 opera (2008) by Petr Kofroň, Zdenek Plachý and Jiří Šimáček as well as its controversial reception by Czech opera critics. Comparing the poetical principles of the mentioned authors with those applied in stage works by Morton Feldman, Martin Burlas and John Zorn, and arguing with the philosophical concepts of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari and actual concepts of postmodern aesthetics, he outlines the poetical features of current opera production in the context of actual philosophical thought and intermedia aesthetics. In this broader framework, in spite of some defects in staging, he considers Mai 68 a very real and influential contribution to the opera world in Czech Republic and Slovakia, comparable with the contemporary opera works worldwide.
Bohemistyka
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2014
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vol. 14
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issue 2
144 - 184
EN
The main intention of the article was to find, introduce and analyze patterns that are present in Czech culture and that both: directly and symbolically pertain to a very specific period of a Czech history. My intention was to indicate several subjects, themes and motives, characteristic for the journalism and generation thoughts of this time period. I am introducing problems that deem to be fundamental for Czech philosophy of history and literature, and that enable interpretation of events of the year 1968, which can be treated as a breakthrough in Czech history. Amongst them, there is an afterthought over Czech faith and history, escape into privacy, the question of national identity, historical consciousness and responsibility, faith in identity-building myths. I was also trying to analyze specific ways of collective resistance shown on streets of Prague during first days after invasion.
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ALEXANDER DUBČEK TWICE – THE (UN)KNOWN SIDE OF HIM

100%
EN
The author, using two visual works, i.e. theatre production #dubček and film Dubček (both 2018), compares two different approaches to and forms of the work with the personality of Alexander Dubček against the backdrop of the reforms and political upheaval in Czechoslovakia, in 1968. Theatre production #dubček (Aréna Theatre, Bratislava, direction Michal Skočovský) has three levels. The first one is acting game having the form of a rehearsal of a new text about the politician Alexander Dubček; its component part is the projection of period archival film shots. The second level involves the actors stepping out of characters and commenting on Dubček’s attitude and on historical events. The third level entails monologue scenes, in which actors reveal their personal attitudes via narrated stories at the time of normalization which had a negative impact on the lives of hundreds of thousands people. In the film Dubček (Slovak-Czech co-production, direction Ladislav Halama), through Dubček’s reminiscing the past, political events interweave with the scenes from the life of Dubček’s family. Although both works employ period image documentary material and fiction, they fail to create a dramatic conflict and they are illustrative for the bigger part.
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2020
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vol. 68
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issue 4
693 – 721
EN
The Prague Spring and its quashing by Soviet tanks was not only an important event in Czech and Slovak national history, it also had a wider, global reach. The events themselves and subsequent occupation of Czechoslovakia by the combined forces of the Warsaw Pact have not ceased to inspire historical research and public debate. The aim of this essay is not to provide a complete list of works concerning the Prague Spring and the occupation of 1968; the sheer volume of literature on the subject is now overwhelming. Instead, the essay focuses on the most significant works and seeks to capture and analyse the main trends in the research into and writing about this event. It focuses on Western historiography – especially works written in English – as that contribution to the scholarship is the most numerous and, arguably, the most influential. It also pays brief attention to the work of German, Italian and French historians.
5
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Československá krize 1968 a estonská společnost

75%
EN
The article pursues the Prague Spring and its suppression with regard to the crisis of Estonian society's identity in the late 60s. It concentrates on manifestations of criticism of the Soviet occupation among university students at manifestations in Tartu and Tallinn in October 1968 and the repressive reaction of the party and state organs. The Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia affected the overall atmosphere in Estonia and the USSR. The author explores the impact of Czechoslovak events in the context of a crisis of Estonian identity.
Porównania
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2009
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vol. 6
121-135
EN
The term postcolonialism is mainly related to the third world, in literature it refers to topics concerning works which reflect the conditions in the society after the years of oppression, humiliation, underestimation and society remanded at a lower level of development. However, Central Europe that had to suffer under the Russian rule and found itself in (semi) colonial conditions, is usually left out. Slovak and Czech society were exposed to such ideological pressure, that they were deprived of independence and individual freedom of citizens. There was a certain relief in 1968, in the period after so called Prague Spring, but after invasion of the troops of the Warsaw Treaty in August, Czechoslovak society gets into the state of complete dependence on Moscow again. Literature (art) is gradually waking up from lethargy and in a concealed form gives evidence about a colonial condition of spiritual life. Alternative appeal of art was a motive power for changes which happened by means of so called Velvet Revolution in 1989. A new era, that literature gets into after the changes thanks to the Velvet Revolution could justly be called the period of post-colonialism, which means Post-Colonial Period. The paper offers an outline of the specific conditions of the culture in various periods, but mainly of the period of Prague Spring. The changes in literature and art after 1989 are perceived even more expressively (abolition of the censorship, comeback of taboo-authors into literature, publishing of forbidden works, rise of new publishing houses and magazines).
EN
With the new arrangement of Czecho-Slovak relations in Czechoslovakia in 1968, the need to address the status of Hungarian minority in Slovakia emerged inevitably. The Cultural Association of Hungarian workers in Czechoslovakia (Csemadok), a revived insitution recognized even by the Communist Party, became an unofficial representative of the Hungarian minority. It demanded the constitutional entrenchment of minority rights under the principle of self-government, establishment of national institutions and proportional representation of minorities in elected and executive bodies. Since negotiations about the definition of the constitutional status of nationalities soon came to a deadlock, the Constitutional Law on the status of nationalities was only adopted after the intervention, in October 1968. While the severely restricted constitutional law caused disappointment among nationalities, their leading representative did not give up hope that they could create an ethnic policy based on truly new foundations. Yet, due to the advancing „Normalisation“ process, their hopes and proposals failed to materialise. The ambition to address the legal status of ethnic minorities on the principles of equality and self-government was a unique initiative that was unprecedented in the former Soviet-bloc East-Central Europe. Rejection of a significant part of the demands by the Hungarian minority immediately before the occupation raises a question of whether further existence and potential victory of the democratization process would truly have created a chance for the minorities to have their demands met in full.
EN
The study is concerned with the political activities of Jozef Lenárt, Czechoslovak premier and member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Analysis of his relations with Antonín Novotný and Alexander Dubček serves as a starting point. Lenárt’s televised speech from March 1968, when he strove to explain his actions in January 1968, is considered. From May 1968, Lenárt inclined to the Soviet vision of political developments in Czechoslovakia. The paper analyses Lenárt’s activities after 21 August 1968 with the conclusion that by gradually changing his political orientation he secured the continuation of his political career.
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