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EN
This article attempts to succinctly characterize and evaluate the last one hundred published annuals of the Slavonic Review journal, which was founded in Prague in 1898. The journal was initially conceived as an interdisciplinary publication, and in the first half-century of its publication it offered a wide spectrum of current information about cultural and social events in the Slavic lands. Since 1964 the Slavonic Review has been a scholarly journal that specializes in the history of the nations of Central, East and Southeast Europe. It also devotes a fair deal of attention to the study of inter-Slavic relations and the history of Slavic studies. The journal is open to researchers from the Czech Republic as well as from abroad. It prints contributions in Czech, Slovak, and English.
EN
This article attempts to succinctly characterize and evaluate the last one hundred published annuals of the Slavonic Review journal, which was founded in Prague in 1898. The journal was initially conceived as an interdisciplinary publication, and in the first half-century of its publication it offered a wide spectrum of current information about cultural and social events in the Slavic lands. Since 1964 the Slavonic Review has been a scholarly journal that specializes in the history of the nations of Central, East and Southeast Europe. It also devotes a fair deal of attention to the study of inter- Slavic relations and the history of Slavic studies. The journal is open to researchers from the Czech Republic as well as from abroad. It prints contributions in Czech, Slovak, and English.
EN
From pagan nostalgia for neo-pagan revolution: Belarusian and Polish culture of the first half of the XX century in search of national identityThe article deals with a comparative analysis of philosophical and political projects of Belarusian (Vatslav Lastovsky) and Poland (Jan Stahnyuk) national renascence. Carried out a number of philosophical-methodological and political-ideological parallels in the positions of V. Lastovovsky and J. Stahnyuk within two content and thematic blocks: models of national history and projects of national revival. The author of this article draws attention to finding the both projects in the paradigm of the conservative-traditional searches of ethnic and national identity, their obviously nationalistic character and an internal inconsistency in the views of philosophers, romanticization of the national history, calling for the risky socio-political experiments. On the basis of a theoretical reconstruction of the meaningful problem-field of both the concepts – “Krivich Renascence” and “Slavish Pan-Humanism” – the article reveals the similarities and differences in the authors’ interpretations of the essence of national culture, the specifics of its development stages, the prospects for the realization of the historic mission of the Belarusian and Polish peoples. От языческой ностальгии к неоязыческой революции: белорусская и польская культуры первой половины ХХ века в поисках национальной идентичностиСтатья посвящена сравнительному анализу философско-политических проектов белорусского (Вацлав Ластовский) и польского (Ян Стахнюк) национального возрождения. Проводится ряд философско-методологических и политико-идеологических параллелей в позициях В. Ластовского и Я. Стахнюка в рамках двух концептуальных проблемно-тематических блоков: модели национальной истории и проекты национального возрождения. Подчеркивается нахождение рассматриваемых проектов в парадигме консервативно-традиционалистских поисков этнонациональной идентичности, их национально заостренный характер, а также внутренняя противоречивость взглядов философов, романтизация ими национальной истории, призывы к рискованным социополитическим экспериментам. На основе теоретической реконструкции проблемно-содержательного поля обеих концепций – «кривичского возрождения» и «славянского пангуманизма» – делаются выводы о схожести и различиях в авторских интерпретациях сущности национальной культуры, специфике этапов ее развития, перспективах реализации исторической миссии белорусского и польского народов.
EN
The article focuses on two texts (Jozef Podhradský, The secret history of Pan-Slavism and Michal Miloslav Hodža Vieroslavín), that are located on the periphery of Slovak political thought, but they are a very significant testimony to the intersection of emancipation ideas in the period of dualistic monarchy. These important texts bring a proposal of various solutions to the arrangement of Slovak-Hungarian relations in the new situation after 1867. Unfortunately, one of them was not published at all (written by Hodža in 1867–1870), while the second one, published in Novi Sad in 1868, remained almost unnoticed.They show how close the idea of messianism was to Slovak thinkers at that time. (This particularly applies to M.M. Hodža). Under her influence, they present their visions of Europe and the monarchy. They also show the Slovaks as a chosen nation that will play a decisive role in the revive common Europe.
EN
The goal of this study is show the historiographic image of Russian-Slovak relations in the 19th century in works by Slovak authors. These are works that were created during the last quarter century. The milestone here is the origin of the independent Slovak Republic in 1993 and the ensuing political changes, which brought the attempt to reevaluate all of the crucial historical matters in the history of the Slovak nation, including Russian-Slovak relations, into Slovak historiography. Works by modern Slovak authors, in which the role of the Russian factor in the history of the Slovak National Revival of the 19th century is analyzed are evaluated in this essay through the methods of historism and comparative analysis. Particular attention is dedicated to those Slovak authors who have evaluated Ľudovít Štúr’s tract “Slavism and the World of the Future” from a contemporary point of view. The evaluation and reevaluation of the historiographical image of Russian-Slovak relations in the 19th century is performed with a view to the new political conditions, in which were mirrored the modern methodological approaches of Slovak historians. New social-political conditions are also taken into account, because they have brought new dimensions into the issues of “Slovak geopolitics”. This work respects the reality that the Slovak historical memory and its transformations are part of the process of forming a collective identity that is forged within the framework of the European Union.
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PL
W artykule przedstawiono dokonania polskiego słowianofilstwa i panslawizmu. Była to idea polityczna, która ma w Polsce blisko dwieście lat tradycji. Jego orędownikami byli początkowo wielcy koryfeusze polskiej nauki, tacy jak Stanisław Staszic lub literatury pięknej jak Adam Mickiewicz. W późniejszym czasie koncepcje panslawistyczne były przyjmowane w Polsce z coraz większą nieufnością a nawet wrogością, gdyż widziano w nich ideologie renegacką i moskalofilską. Niemniej panslawiści odegrali istotną rolę w polskiej myśli geopolitycznej. Kwestie te zostały opisane i skomentowane.
EN
The paper presents the history of the Polish Pan-Slavic movement, along with the views of its most important representatives, concerning the position and the geopolitical future of the Polish territories. The supporters of Pan-Slavism aimed at the establishment of the political community of the Slavonic nations. Such a community could have been established only after the normalisation of the Polish- Russian relations, which had a character of a confrontation. That is why the primary task of the Polish Pan-Slavic movement was the assessment of the Polish-Russian relations and the tendency towards its improvement, since this was the condition of the Slavic unity. The beginnings of the Polish Pan-Slavic movement are linked with the first decades of the 19th century, and especially with the political decisions that were taken during the Vienna Congress. It was then that the autonomous Polish Kingdom was established within the confines of the Russian Empire. This had an important influence on the attitudes of the Polish intellectual elite with respect to Russia. They hoped for the more partnership-like Polish-Russian relations and for the extension of the territory of the Polish Kingdom. In the years 1815-1830 numerous projects and programs appeared, in which it was demonstrated that the community of Slavs would bring positive political repercussions and shall contribute to the improvement of the living conditions of the western and southern Slavs. As an example, the views of Stanisław Staszic are presented, whose opinions were shared by many Polish political activists. In the subsequent part of the article the influence is considered of the Polish- Russian war of 1830-1831 and the anti-Russian uprising of 1863 on the ideological evolution of the Polish Pan-Slavic movement. The Polish-Russian antagonism exerted an influence on the attitudes of Poles towards their eastern neighbour. The views of the activists of the Pan-Slavic movement underwent differentiation. Some of them took with respect to Russia an attitude of giving in (like, for instance, Adam Gurowski). At the same time, numerous Polish political activists tried to use the Pan-Slavic argumentation in the development of various political and geopolitical programs. It is in this context that the work of such authors as Henryk Kamieński, Kazimierz Krzywicki, Karol Mikoszewski, as well as that of some others, is presented in the article. The second part of the article refers already to the Pan-Slavic concepts, which developed in the 20th century. At the beginning of the 20th century the Neo-Slavic movement appeared on the Polish territories, attempting to get in close touch with all of the Slavonic nations. To a certain extent this movement had an anti-Russian character. And it did not really play any important political role. It was only during the World War II that an activation of the circles, representing the Pan-Slavic orientation, took place. Aggression of the Germanic Nazi troops called for the unity and solidarity of the Slavs. In this period, both among the Polish emigration in the United Kingdom and on the occupied Polish territories a group of numerous supporters of the Pan-Slavic idea started to actively work, preparing diverse programs calling for the establishment of a Slavonic community, with differentiated proposals for its geographical reach. Of these, the designs of Edmund Romer and Mieczysław Gliszczyński are commented upon in the paper. It should be noted that at the same time, the Soviet Union was heralding the unity of the Slavonic nations, this, however, being an ad hoc, politically motivated manoeuvre. In the final part of the paper the situation is presented in the contemporary Pan- Slavic movement in Poland. This movement reappeared after a long absence after 1989. The opinions and the stances are presented of the so-called Polish Slavic Committee. This body cooperates with similar organisations in other Slavonic countries. Its significance, though, is marginal and political, as well as social influence is very feeble. The summary of the article presents an assessment of the achievements of the Polish Pan-Slavic movements and their significance for the development of the Polish geopolitical thought.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyze attitude of the Prussian Prime-Minister – considered as the Architect of German Unification – Otto von Bismarck – towards the phenomenon of social rebellion, which in Polish history became known as the January Uprising. The intention of the Author is not to focus on issues related with wide-ranging diplomatic action of the prospective “Iron Chancellor”, which was crowned with Alsvenlabena Convention. Bismarck was in the limelight not like as well-known „real politician”, but as a political thinker whom he also was. Author analyzes a highly specific conceptual nomenclature of Bismarck, and his attitude towards the Poles, Russians, Pan-Slavism and autocracy. Introduction to the subject is an overview of the evaluations of the insurrection, which was permanently established in Polish intellectual environments, including its traditional divisions between the right wing and the left wing.
EN
National movement and further development of national benchmarks of the Czech people at the beginning of the revolution of 1848-1849 are one of the most socio-political contextualized pages in the past of the Slavic peoples in Europe.The research is considered to be topical since the process of formation of national ideology in the 19th century, that occured in the Czech environment, took place in terms of distribution of the national principle and state formation in the majority of the European countries. The purpose of the research is to enlighten the course, laws and specifics of formation of the Czech national paradigm at the beginning of the revolution of 1848-1849. The object of the study is the Czech National Movement, the subject of scientific analysis is the national ideology developing under the influence of both internal and external factors.To achieve the main goal of the research the author has considered it to be necessary to solve a number of the following tasks: to scientifically, logically, argumentatively and coherently lay out specifics of the process of Czech national ideology formation and reveal its main features. It should be emphasized that by the beginning of the revolution the Czech national patriotic mood was not limited merely by the demand of the cultural reforms, it gradually transformed into the context of new political and socio-economic ideas. At the same time, in the meaning of national paradigm of the Czech National Movement the idea of its moderation or passive opposition actualized drastically. In general Czech national paradigm was a certain mixture of political ideas, in wich political freedom - democracy, social and personal guarantees - took a somewhat secondary place, the struggle for the national justice with its moral and cultural principles, beginnings of which can be found in linguistic and historical ideologeme of the Czech awakening, became dominant.
RU
Термин пантюркизма относится к интеллектуальному и политическому движению, защищающему объединение всех тюркских народов. Пантюркизм появился среди татарских интеллектуалов в царской России. В царской России пантюркизм был ответом на развитие панславизма. В начале двадцатого века пантюркизм стал популярным среди членов „Комитета единение и прогресс” в Османской империи. После младотурецкой революции пантюркизм стал главной политической идеей в Османском государстве. Подъем пантюркизма как политического движения представляет собой феномен 19-го и 20-го века. В этой статье автор утверждает, что идеология пантюркизма по-прежнему может быть использована современной властью Турции против России. Вызов для политического единства и солидарности между тюркскими группами может стать серьезной угрозой для российской власти. Распад Советского союза и появление новых тюркских государств дали новую надежду многим пантюркистам в Турции, на Кавказе и в Средней Азии. Аннексия Крыма, война в Сирии и сбитие российского самолета турецкой армией, довели до враждебных отношений между Турцией и Россией.
EN
The term Pan-Turkism refers to an intellectual and political movement advocating the union of all Turkic people. Pan-Turkism emerged among Tatars intellectuals in Tsarist Russia. In Tsarist Russia Pan-Turkism was in a part response to the development Pan-Slavism. At the beginning of twenty-first century Pan-Turkism became popular among the members of Committee of Union and Progress in the Ottoman Empire. After the Young Turks Revolution Pan-Turkism become a main political idea in the Ottoman state. The rise of a PAN-TURKISM as political movement is a phenomenon of the 19th and the 20th century. In this article author argues that the Pan-Turkism ideology still can be used by contemporary Turkey authority against Russia. Calling for a political unity and solidarity among Turkic groups can be a serious threat for Russian authority. The collapse of Soviet Union and the emergence of new Turkish states gave fresh hope many Pan-Turkists in Turkey, Caucasus and Central Asia. The annexation of Crimea, war in Syria and shooting down Russian aircraft by the Turkish army made hostile the Turkish-Russian relations.
EN
The idea of a common Slavic language has been strictly connected with the history of Slavophilism. The concept to use Russian or Old Church Slavonic as an all-Slavic language found numerous advocates. Apart from this, the projects of artificial all-Slavic languages were elaborated, that is “Slavic Esperanto”. Until today, we have come to know 29 such projects, among others, by J. Križanić, S.B. Linde (mainly on the basis of the Polish language), J. Herkel, M. Majar. A manifestation of the disintegration of the Slavic linguistic world is the formation of the so-called Slavic literary microlanguages. Nowadays, there exists more than 20 of such languages or the attempts of their codification. 
PL
The idea of a common Slavic language has been strictly connected with the history of Slavophilism. The concept to use Russian or Old Church Slavonic as an all-Slavic language found numerous advocates. Apart from this, the projects of artificial all-Slavic languages were elaborated, that is “Slavic Esperanto”. Until today, we have come to know 29 such projects, among others, by J. Križanić, S.B. Linde (mainly on the basis of the Polish language), J. Herkel, M. Majar. A manifestation of the disintegration of the Slavic linguistic world is the formation of the so-called Slavic literary microlanguages. Nowadays, there exists more than 20 of such languages or the attempts of their codification.
EN
This article discusses the role of history and language for the country of Belarus, which is on the border of Western and Eastern ideological systems. The content is based on observation and discussions with individuals during the time-period 2003– 2014. The aim of this article is to sociologically present a model which illustrates how post-Soviet authoritarian systems control time and space symbolically to recreate an ideological design that allows an authoritarian regime to maintain power through the use of the Soviet Symbolic framework. This model, based on the example of discussions with Belarusans, is applicable as a comparative tool to understand the processes taking place in the Ukraine and also in Russia. The argument in this article integrates history, systems of state ideology and identity formation on the border of two cultural civilizations. Comparative examples concerning the conflict with Russia and the Ukraine are used to apply the theoretical model based on current changes and events in the regional macro-infrastructure offering a sociological take on the link between historical and contemporary social and cultural changes in this region.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono znaczenie kulturowych uwarunkowań, w szczególności historii oraz języka, dla Białorusi – kraju leżącego na pograniczu zachodniej i wschodniej cywilizacji. Zaprezentowany teoretyczny model ma na celu objaśnienie działania postsowieckiego systemu władzy, gdzie autorytarny reżim wykorzystuje w sposób różnorodny elementy z przestrzeni symbolicznej w celu stworzenia ideologicznego uzasadnienia dla własnego funkcjonowania. W celu wyjaśnienia mechanizmów władzy na Białorusi odwołuję się do uwarunkowań historycznych, które oddziaływają na oficjalną ideologię, tworząc tym samym tożsamość mieszkańców kraju. Przedstawiony model został wypracowany na podstawie badań empirycznych prowadzonych za pomocą techniki obserwacji i wywiadów indywidualnych w okresie 2003–2014 na Białorusi. Wydaje się jednak, że ma on szersze możliwości eksplanacyjne, pozwalające zrozumieć działania decydentów politycznych w zakresie legitymizacji władzy w innych rosyjskojęzycznych krajach, które powstały po upadku Związku Radzieckiego.
PL
Stosunek Rosji do Polski można – zdaniem autorki – określić słowami Katullusa: „nienawidzę i kocham”. Nienawiść miała źródło w politycznej walce dwóch państw, której pamięć po stronie rosyjskiej sięga XVI- i XVII-wiecznych wojen, kiedy to utrwalił się obraz polskiego „pana”, butnego, chełpliwego i fałszywego, Polaka-wroga. W XVIII i XIX wieku rosyjska poezja patriotyczna opiewała zwycięstwa Rosjan nad Polakami, zwłaszcza w roku 1795 i 1831. Wytykana Polakom duma, buntowniczość, niestałość, obcość wśród swoich (tj. Słowian) miały podstawę polityczną, bo kłóciły się z ideami państwowego rosyjskiego panslawizmu, a także teologiczną (w duchu prawosławnym), bo pozostawały w sprzeczności z ideałem pokornego chrześcijanina. W XX wieku następuje zmiana perspektywy i przewartościowanie tradycyjnych charakterystyk. „Polska duma” zaczyna być postrzegana jako wyraz poczucia godności, nieodłącznego od człowieczeństwa (tak w wierszach Maryny Cwietajewej), a polska buntowniczość i niepokorność – jako zdolność do sprzeciwu i nieugiętego oporu wobec przemocy (wiersze Dawida Samojłowa). Nie zmieniły się przypisywane Polakom cechy, zmieniła się ich ewaluacja.
EN
It is claimed that the relationship of Russia towards Poland may be described with Catullus’s words: „I hate and love”. The hatred derives from the political struggle between the two countries, the memories of which on the Russian side go back to the wars of the 16th and 17th centuries, when the image of a Pole-enemy, a Polish arrogant, boastful and double-faced „master” took shape. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Russian patriotic poetry extolled the praises of Russian victories over Polish forces, especially those from 1795 and 1831. The reproach to the Polish pride, rebelliousness, instability, and alienation from their kin (i.e. Slavs) was based on political and theological premises, the former because these characteristics stood in opposition to the ideas of the Russian panslavism, the latter because they did not mat.ch the ideal of a humble Christian. In the 20th century there comes a change of perspective and re-evaluation of traditional characteristics: „Polish pride” begins to be seen as a manifestation of dignity, inextricably linked with human nature(in the poems of Marina Tsvetayeva), whereas Polish rebelliousness and reluctance to submission as the ability to adamantly resist force (in the poems of David Samoylov). What changed were not the characteristics themselves but their valuation.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest czesko-ukraińskim związkom w dziedzinie sztuki, w tym sztuki muzycznej XIX wieku. Szczególne miejsce w historii badań nad kulturą słowiańską w Galicji zajmuje panslawistyczna etyczno-filozoficzna teoria czeskich badaczy i muzyków, która powstała w latach 40. i była kontynuowana do końca lat 70. XIX wieku. Wśród jej autorów byli Czesi, działający we Lwowie oraz w innych miastach Galicji: Karol Władysław Zapp (1812–1871), Vaclav Dunder (1811–1872), Ludwig Ritter von Rittersberg (1809–1858), Maks Konopásek (1820–1879). Głów- ne idee ich prac, napisanych we Lwowie, podane są w niniejszym artykule w ujęciu ukraińskiego badacza Eugena Cehelskiego (1912–1980), który poświęcił problemowi „lwowskiego panslawi- zmu” pracę doktorską (Praga, 1936). Praca ta powstała w wyniku kilku bodźców: rozwoju muzy- kologii, tudzież folklorystyki, zarówno polskiej, jak i ukraińskiej, we Lwowie; intensywnych relacji panslawistycznych o różnej proweniencji w Pradze i w Galicji; wielce sprzyjających wa- runków społecznych (m.in. zainteresowanie problemami narodowościowymi w kulturze); inspira- cji wywołanych wysokim poziomem nauk humanistycznych na Uniwersytecie Karola, także sze- rokim zakresem tematycznym badań. Główne zagadnienia, które próbuje zbadać Cehelski, to: kultura muzyczna Galicji w kontekście wielonarodowych więzi integracyjnych; wpływ czeskich muzyków, którzy pracowali i przebywali w Galicji, na rozwój kształcenia zawodowego, wyko- nawstwa i myśli muzycznej, a także na działalność amatorskich towarzystw muzycznych; poszu- kiwanie wspólnych korzeni kultur słowiańskich; debata wokół problemów ogólnosłowiańskiego panslawistycznego ruchu w filozofii i jej zastosowanie wobec kultury muzycznej. Dla Cehelskiego najbardziej istotnym okazał się fakt, iż na fali romantycznego uniesienia i zainteresowania korze- niami swego narodu odbywa się głębsze zrozumienie wspólnych cech, jednakowo charaktery- stycznych dla każdego z narodów słowiańskich.
EN
The article presents the Czech-Ukrainian relations in the field of art, including the 19th century music. In the history of research on Slavic culture in Galicia, a special place is held by the Pan- Slavic ethico-philosophical theory developed by Czech scholars and musicians, which dates back to the 1840s and was continued until the end of the 1870s. Its authors included the Czechs active in Lviv and in other Galician cities: Karol Władysław Zapp (1812–1871), Vaclav Dunder (1811– 1872), Ludwig Ritter von Rittersberg (1809–1858), Maks Konopásek (1820–1879). The main ideas of their works, written in Lviv, are presented herein from the perspective of the Ukrainian researcher Eugene Cehelski (1912–1980), whose doctoral thesis (Prague, 1936) focused on the “Lviv Pan-Slavism”. This work arose as a result of several factors stimulating its creation: devel- opment of musicology or folklore studies, both Polish and Ukrainian in Lviv; intensive Pan-Slavic relations of various provenance in Prague and Galicia; particularly favorable social conditions (i.a. interest in issues related to nationality in culture); inspirations due to a high level of humanities at the Charles University or to a wide thematic scope of research. The main research questions that Cehelski is trying to examine are: Galicia's musical culture in the context of multinational integra- tion ties; the influence of the Czech musicians who worked and stayed in Galicia on the develop- ment of the vocational education, of the musical performance and musical ideology or on the activity of amateur music societies; searching for common roots of Slavic cultures; discussion on the issues related to the Pan-Slavic movement in philosophy across Slavic community and its application to musical culture. Cehelski considered as the most important the fact that, due to the romantic exaltation and interest in national roots, a greater understanding of the features held in common, characteristic of each of the Slavic nations, was possible.
UK
Стаття присвячена чесько-українським зв’язкам в царині мистецтва, в тому – музичного мистецтва ХІХ ст. Особливе місце в історії досліджень слов’янської культури в Галичині займає панславістська етично-філософська теорія чеських вчених і музикантів, яка виникла в 40-х роках і розвивалась до 70-х років XIX сторіччя. Серед її авторів були чехи, які працювали у Львові та інших містах Галичини: Кароль Владислав Запп (1812–1871), Вацлав Дундер (1811–1872), Людвіг Ріттер фон Ріттерсберг (1809–1858), Макс Конопасек (1820– 1879). Головні ідеї їх праць, написаних у Львові, подані у версії українського дослідника Євгена Цегельського (1912-1980), який присвятив проблемі «львівського панславізму» докторську працю (Прага, 1936). Ця праця постала внаслідок кількох імпульсів: розвитку музикознавства та фольклористики, як польської, так і української, у Львові; розмаїтих панславістських концепцій різного спрямування в Празі та Галичині, як напрямку, зорієнтованого передусім на Схід, тобто на Росію, котрий підтримував її пртенезії на всеслов’янську гегемонію, так і протилежного, який зовсім не приймав до уваги Росії як слов’янською країною; вельми сприятливих суспільних умов (м. ін. зацікавлення національною проблематикою в культурі); інспірацій, породжених високим рівнем гуманістичних наук в Карловому університеті, як і тематичною широтою досліджень. Головний обсяг завдань, які прагне вирішити Цегельський: музична культура Галичини в контексті багатонаціональних інтеграційних зв’язків; вплив чеських музикантів, які перебували і працювали в Галичині, на розвиток професійної освіти, виконавства та музичної думки, як і діяльність аматорських музичних товариств; дебати довкола проблем загальнослов’янського панславістського руху у філософії та її проекція на музичну культуру. Для Цегельського найістотнішим виявився факт, що на хвилі романтичного піднесення і зацікавлення давніми витоками походження свого народу, відбувається глибше зрозуміння спільних рис, однаково притаманних кожному із слов’янських народів.
EN
The author of the article discusses the role of the tradition of St. Cyril and Methodius and the reception of this idea in East-Central European culture. Special emphasis was put on presenting the story of the Slavic Rite and its significance, particularly to Eastern Slavs. Later on in the article the author turns his attention to the heritage of St. Cyril and Methodius’s ideas in the works of thinkers from the Hussite circles as well as those from the Roman milieu of Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini. Next, the focus is shifted to the involvement of Jesuits in reviving the Cyril-Methodius tradition, of which so far little is known in historiography. Despite the fact that the origin of this revival was Olomouc, the ideas were also alive in the formed Republic of Poland. In the second half of the 19th century Velehrad became the symbolic place of worship of St. Cyril and St. Methodius. The place became an important centre of Slavic ecumenical movement. Regular conventions and celebrations in Velehrad attracted active figures involved in the national movement both from Moravia, Bohemia and Slovakia as well as other Slavic countries, including Poland. The ministerial work of Jesuits in the town concentrated on the application of the heritage of St. Cyril and Methodius to carry out evangelization and defend Christian values in the world.
PL
Autor artykułu omawia znaczenie cyrylo-metodiańskiej tradycji i recepcji tej idei w kulturze Europy Środkowo-wschodniej. Szczególny nacisk został położony na ukazanie historii rytu słowiańskiego i jego znaczeniu szczególnie dla wschodnich Słowian. W dalszej części autor zwrócił uwagę na dziedzictwo myśli Cyryla i Metodego w pismach myślicieli z kręgu husyckiego a także związanego ze środowiskiem rzymskim Eneasza Sylwiusza Piccolominiego. Następnie skupił swą uwagę na, mało znane do tej pory w historiografii, zaangażowanie w odrodzenie tradycji cyrylo-metodiańskiej członków zakonu Jezuitów. Pomimo tego, że ośrodkiem tego odrodzenia był Ołomuniec idee te były żywe również na ziemiach dawnej Rzeczypospolitej. W 2. połowie XIX w. na symboliczne miejsce kultu Cyryla i Metodego wyrósł Velehrad. Miejsce to stało się ważnym ośrodkiem słowiańskiego ruchu ekumenicznego. Cyklicznie zjazdy i uroczystości religijne w Velehradzie przyciągały aktywne postaci zaangażowane w ruch narodowy zarówno z Moraw, Czech i Słowacji, ale również z pozostałych krajów słowiańskich, w tym również z Polski. Działalność duszpasterska jezuitów w tym miejscu koncentrowała się na wykorzystywaniu dziedzictwacyrylo-metodiańskiego do prowadzenia nowej ewangelizacji i obrony wartości chrześcijańskich w świecie.
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