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Polityka Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej wobec wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej. Uwarunkowania i perspektywy dalszej ewolucji

100%
Wiśniewski R.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2023
|
issue 1-2 (386)
141-170
EN
In analyzing the worldwide consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war, it is necessary to consider the position of People’s Republic of China. This results from three major factors. First, the aggressor state, the Russian Federation, has China as a strategic partner. Second, the ongoing armed conflict (which is actually also a confrontation between Russia and US/NATO) coincides with a period of increased rivalry between United States and China. And third, even if China wasn’t Russia’s strategic partner and Sino-American weren’t so tense, it would have been impossible to ignore China’s stance on the war. That is due to the fact that PRC is at present the second superpower and a strong candidate for international leadership. The articles aims to achieve the following research goals: 1) Identifying and explaining PRC’s position on the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. 2) Assessing the effects of the current war on China’s international position. 3) Identifying the key factors that will determine the future course of PRC’s policy towards the conflict.
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New Italian Migration in the People’s Republic of China

100%
Chirivì M., Moffa G.
Academicus. International Scientific Journal
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2022
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vol. 13
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issue 26
47-59
EN
In the panorama of international migration statistics, there is a progressive growth of registrations of Italian citizens residing abroad. In particular, the steady increase in consular registrations based in the People’s Republic of China is striking. The expression “new emigrations” is an increasingly recurrent among scholars to highlight the quantitative and qualitative changes that have characterised Italian emigration abroad in recent years. The choice to emigrate depends on many factors, the very definition of new emigration calls into question aspects of the debate that imply a careful evaluation of the different components that characterize its profile. Which dimensions, above others, act on the choice to emigrate? Which aspects characterize the profile of Italians who decide to undertake an emigration experience in the People’s Republic of China, albeit temporary? New Italian migration in Shanghai is a Skilled Migration? In this article, we will focus on some results of a qualitative research conducted on the new Italian emigration to China1. More precisely, in the following pages we try to bring out which dimensions act in the choice to emigrate and which aspects characterize the profile of Italians who decide to emigrate to Shanghai.
3
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Polityka bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej wobec państw kaspijskich Azji Centralnej

100%
Misiągiewicz J.
Azja-Pacyfik
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2022
|
issue XXVI
7-26
EN
In contemporary international relations, the issue of energy security is becoming fundamental. Access to energy resources is an existential need of every country, conditioning its economic and social development. In such a situation, states try to construct long-term energy security policies to ensure smooth supplies of raw materials. The research problem is the analysis of the energy security policy of the People’s Republic of China towards the Caspian states of Central Asia: Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. In the research process, a hypothesis was verified, assuming that China’s energy security policy in the Caspian region of Central Asia is determined by the increased demand of this superpower for energy resources and geographical proximity to oil and gas deposits located in Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) became interested in the hydrocarbon resources of the Central Asian region right after the collapse of the USSR. At that time, the energy security policy of this superpower was implemented in several stages: from gaining access to the oil and gas reserves of the countries of the region to the construction of export pipelines supplying the absorptive Chinese market. Thus, the analysis presents the conditions of the PRC’s energy security policy, its institutional dimension and actions towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, both in upstream and midstream terms.
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Economic Sanctions as a Tool of China’s Hybrid Strategies

100%
Wiśniewski R.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2021
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issue 3 (50)
91-103
EN
The article aims to analyze the role of economic sanctions in the People’s Republic of China’s overall approach to achieving its security objectives in the international arena. During the last two decades, Beijing used this instrument on numerous occasions to exert pressure on a varied group of actors. China’s current strategy toward a range of disputes and conflicts it is engaged in (the South China Sea territorial disputes most prominently stand out) is often described using the popular vocabulary of “hybrid warfare” or “grey zone conflicts”. Putting the conceptual complications aside, the author agrees that the PRC’s approach can be viewed as part of a growing trend for great powers to employ what can be called “hybrid strategies” toward its opponents. As part of a broader category of economic statecraft, economic sanctions form an important element of this approach. Considering current scholarship on both “hybrid” (or “grey area”) warfare and economic sanctions, the article answers the question of why the PRC increasingly resorts to hybrid strategies (including economic coercion) and identifies the main characteristics of Chinese economic sanctions. It also provides preliminary conclusions on their effectiveness.
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PORÓWNANIE KULTURY STRATEGICZNEJ STANÓW ZJEDNOCZONYCH I CHIŃSKIEJ REPUBLIKI LUDOWEJ

100%
Wójtowicz T.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2018
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issue 1(16)
103-116 (14)
EN
Strategic culture in the theory of international relations is now one of the most important concepts explaining the rules of military behaviour by individual states. In contrast to realism and idealism, its focuses on the influence of internal factors on foreign policy, such as historical experience, national identity, morals in society, and perception of diplomacy by political elites. It therefore allows us to respond to many questions that researchers are not able to answer based solely on the theory of political realism ‒ the perception of national security threats by governments, the national way of war, the socially-acceptable level of victims, the attitude of armed forces to the use of new technologies, or trust to allies. The purpose of this article is to compare the strategic culture of the United States and the People's Republic of China ‒ states with significantly different strategic cultures, historical experience, national identity and methods of warfare. The content of this article may be useful to any person interested in Sino-American relations, political rivalry in the Western Pacific and a possible future war between these powers.
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Green Belt Road jako jeden z komponentów chińskiej Inicjatywy Pasa i Szlaku 2.0

100%
Tomaszewska P.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2022
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vol. 3(35)
47-66
EN
The aim of the article is (1) to describe the evaluation during the RDI initiative; (2) analysis of Chinese documents on “greening” projects under the Belt and Road initiative; (3) describe the impact of the initiative on the environment; (4) describing the role of socio-economic factors influencing the environment of RDI and sustainable development policy; (5) issuing recommendations and recommendations for the PRC. The article may contribute to intensifying the discussion on the environmental impact of the Belt and Road Initiative and to carrying out further interdisciplinary research – taking into account the multifaceted nature of this cross-border initiative. This is crucial as the impact of BRI is likely to be felt for generations after it is completed worldwide.
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Manifestations of Chinese Development Aid and Its Hidden Meanings

88%
Kobierecka A.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2021
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issue 1 (50)
9-23
EN
The People’s Republic of China is one of the states focusing intensively on building its soft power and shaping its international image. However, China’s image is still negative and primarily based on stereotypes. In recent years, this country is willing to change such perceptions and present itself as an efficient, intensively developing, capable country that is much more than just a global production plant. The article aims to review China’s different manifestations of development aid regarding changing this type of public diplomacy and its meaning to the Chinese government. Is it only motivated by good intentions, or maybe its goal is to only provide an advantage to China? It is evident that owing to significant development, China needs to expand its economic contacts. However, the tested hypothesis states that behind Chinese development aid, political motivation is hidden as well. The research is based on content analysis of official documents and Foreign Ministry’s statements referring to development aid.
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Position of the People’s Republic of China Towards the Crisis in Libya in 2011

88%
Jureńczyk Ł.
Historia i Polityka
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2019
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issue 28 (35)
45-58
EN
The subject of the analysis is the attitude of the People’s Republic of China towards the crisis in Libya in 2011. The problem is considered taking into account both the bilateral China-Libya and multilateral situation at the time. The paper discusses issues such as China’s cooperation with Libya before the crisis and Beijing’s actions at consecutive stages of the crisis, focusing mainly on the evolution of China’s position towards the question of imposing and implementing sanctions against Libya as well as towards the political representation of the Libyan rebel groups. The discussion is presented in the context of Beijing’s compliance with its traditionally professed foreign policy principles and its attitude towards the concept of “Responsibility to Protect”. The case of the Libyan crisis has shown that China does not have a coherent strategy for dealing with internal military conflicts that generate humanitarian disasters in foreign states.
9

Sektor Usług w Chinach

88%
Słota M.
Pieniądze i Więź
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2013
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vol. 16
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issue 1(58)
160-169
EN
The article covers the topic of development of the services sector in China, which is currently the second largest national economy in the world after the United States. At the beginning the author shows the growth of importance of China in the global economy and then focuses on the growing role of its services sector within the last thirty years, from the very beginning of the opening-up reforms and policy initiated by Deng Xiaoping’s administration till now. When analyzing the aforementioned the author takes into consideration the share of services sector in total employment and GDP creation. Moreover, the author takes notice of the internal structural changes within the services sector itself, where currently the role of financial and real estate services rises, whereas the role of transportation and telecommunication services diminishes. The most important part of the article discusses the development perspectives of the third sector of Chinese economy in the future, taking into account the threats and barriers, and constitutes an attempt to answer the question whether China will be able to catch up in terms of the services sector share in economy in comparison to developed countries in the coming years to be perceived as a post-industrial economy.
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Zjawisko przedsiębiorczości społecznej w Chińskiej Republice Ludowej

75%
Lech K.
Ekonomia Społeczna
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2014
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issue 1
38-50
PL
Artykuł dotyczy zjawiska przedsiębiorczości społecznej w Chińskiej Republice Ludowej, a jego celem jest nakreślenie ram konceptualnych będących warunkiem systematycznego badania tego fenomenu. Zastosowane w tym celu metody selektywnej, niepełnej analizy i krytyki piśmiennictwa oraz badania dokumentów potwierdziły, że przedsiębiorczość społeczna w Chinach, podobnie jak w kręgu kulturowym krajów Zachodu, przejawia się na wiele sposobów. W związku z tym konieczne wydaje się podjęcie prac zmierzających do opracowania modelu unifi kacyjnego zjawiska, który pozwoliłby na prowadzenie bardziej szczegółowych badań. Uzasadnieniem dla przyjęcia tej rekomendacji jest oblicze 578 mln ludzi głodujących w regionie Azji i Pacyfi ku oraz potrzeba poszukiwania narzędzi umożliwiających zniwelowanie tych i wielu innych społecznych problemów. Dotyczy to także Afryki, Ameryki Łacińskiej, Środkowego Wschodu i każdego innego miejsca, gdzie ludzie cierpią z powodu niedożywienia. Właściwe Chinom przejawy przedsiębiorczości społecznej oraz zastosowane rozwiązania mogłyby stanowić instrumentarium, które można by było wykorzystać w innych miejscach na świecie.
XX
The article deals with the phenomenon of social entrepreneurship in China, and its purpose is to outline the conceptual framework required for a systematic investigation of the phenomenon. The methods of selective, incomplete critical analysis of the literature and study of available documents have confirmed that social entrepreneurship in China, as is the case in the Western cultural setting, manifests itself in a number of ways. Therefore, it appears necessary to undertake eff orts in order to develop a unified model of the phenomenon that would permit a more detailed research. The rationale for the adoption of the recommendation is the face of 578 million hungry people in Asia and in the Pacific region, and the pressing need for tools to overcoming those and numerous other social problems. This observation also applies to Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and any other place where people suffer from malnutrition. Typically Chinese manifestations of social entrepreneurship and their solutions could provide instruments to be used elsewhere worldwide.
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W kierunku cywilizacji ekologicznej w erze Xi Jinpinga

75%
Szymala E.
Przegląd Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego
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2022
|
issue 27 (14)
171-197
EN
The People’s Republic of China has undoubtedly made an unprecedented leap in civilisation over the past 40 years, lifting more than 850 million people out of extreme poverty. However, this tremendous progress has been paid by environmental degradation. In 2012 and 2013, Xi Jinping became General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and President of the People’s Republic of China successively. During the subsequent years of his rule, he consolidated in his hands a power that no other politician since Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping possessed. At the same time, he faced the challenge of a national and international climate crisis. According to Xi Jinping, to address this critical situation, it is necessary to make China an ecological civilization. This article characterises the idea of ecological civilisation as well as shows the most important actions taken by Xi Jinping to implement it.
PL
Chińska Republika Ludowa dokonała w ciągu ostatnich 40 lat ogromnego skoku cywilizacyjnego, dzięki czemu m.in. wyciągnięto ponad 850 mln mieszkańców tego kraju ze skrajnego ubóstwa. Ten niebywały postęp został jednak przypłacony degradacją środowiska naturalnego. W 2012 r. Xi Jinping został sekretarzem generalnym Komunistycznej Partii Chin, a w 2013 r. - przewodniczącym Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. W ciągu lat rządów skonsolidował w swoich rękach władzę, której nie miał żaden inny polityk od czasów Mao Zedonga i Deng Xiaopinga. Równocześnie stanął przed wyzwaniami związanymi z kryzysem klimatycznym w wymiarze krajowym i światowym. Zdaniem Xi Jinpinga zaradzenie tej krytycznej sytuacji wymaga stworzenia w Chinach cywilizacji ekologicznej. W artykule zostały scharakteryzowane idee cywilizacji ekologicznej, jak również przedstawione najważniejsze działania podjęte przez Xi Jinpinga w celu ich realizacji. Chińska Republika Ludowa, transformacja energetyczna, cywilizacja ekologiczna.
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Postawa Amerykanów wobec Komunistycznej Partii Chin (1944–1946)

75%
Kukowski M.
Azja-Pacyfik
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2023
|
issue XXVII
55-80
EN
The article represents the first part of a comprehensive scientific endeavor dedicated to the description and analysis of the attitudes held by high-ranking US officials towards the Chinese Communist Party from 1944 to 1949. This initial segment focuses on the period from July 1944, marking the commencement of the so-called "Dixie mission" in China, to the conclusion of March 1946, coinciding with the country's outbreak of the civil war. Within this framework, the article presents, analyzes, and underscores the diversity and changeability of American perspectives and opinions regarding the CCP. It explores their ideas, actions, and connections with Soviet Russia. A particular emphasis is placed on elucidating the alterations in these opinions over time. The central hypothesis posits that the shifts in attitudes were driven by changes in both the internal and external environments, encompassing developments within China and the global context. Furthermore, it attributes alterations to American interactions with CCP and KMT officials, leading to modifications in their identities. The article employs a constructivist approach, alongside a realist perspective, in researching international relations throughout the text.
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Сountering СOVID-19 as a tool for Hybrid Influence of Russia and China on Regional Subsystems of International Relations: European and Asian Dimensions

63%
Shevchuk O., Tykhonenko I.
Проблеми всесвітньої історії
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2022
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issue 17
158-182
UK
У ХХІ ст. система міжнародних відносин зазнала трансформацій, зокрема і зі сторони нетрадиційних детермінуючих чинників. Це дослідження акцентує увагу на впливі пандемії COVID-19 на модернізацію політики великих держав, які почали використовувати контрзаходи пандемії як інструмент свого впливу на майбутній пост-коронавірусний міжнародний порядок. Автори аналізують особливості використання «твердої сили» (економічний тиск) і «м’якої сили» (економічна допомога, культурна взаємодія), а іноді і гібриду цих інструментів на прикладі Росії та Китаю з метою лобіювання власної позиції в умовах пандемія COVID-19 у відповідних геополітично близьких регіонах – Європі та Південно-Східній Азії. У цьому дослідженні аналізуються всі вищезазначені особливості у певний хронологічно визначений період – початок світової пандемії COVID-19, зокрема, 2020 рік. Виявлено, що Росія найбільш активно використовувала вплив початку глобальної пандемії на європейський напрям зовнішньої політики апелюючи до енергетичного фактору та формування іміджу «миротворця» та ролі «месії» в регіоні. У дослідженні Італія є прикладом використання гібридного впливу з боку Росії, поширення фейків і представлення «слабкості» ЄС на початку пандемії у швидкому політичному реагуванні на загрозу. Південно-Східна Азія стала регіоном китайської зовнішньої політики у протидії COVID-19, де китайська «маскова дипломатія» виступає як контрзахід для подолання конфлікту в Південно-Китайському морі, формування системи «підпорядкування» та реалізації ідеї «спільноти єдиної долі». У результаті дослідження виявлено, що Росію та Китай можна охарактеризувати як держави, які мають політичні режими зі специфічними інструментами та механізмами реалізації політики. Офіційні Пекін і Москва мають на меті не лише посилити свій вплив у сусідніх регіонах, а й протистояти США. Аналізуючи політичні дії та механізми, які використовували Росія та Китай на початку пандемії, автори підтвердили, що обидві країни прагнуть використовувати «дипломатію вакцин» як ефективний інструмент впливу на міжнародний порядок у пост-коронавірусу добу.
EN
In the XXI century the system of international relations has undergone transformations, including non-traditional determinants. This research drew attention to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on modernization of the policies of great powers, which began to use pandemic countermeasures as a tool of their influence on future post-COVID international order. The authors analyze the peculiarities of using “hard power” (economic pressure) and “soft power” (economic aid, cultural interaction), and sometimes a combination of these tools on the example of Russia and China in order to lobby their own position under the pandemic of COVID-19 in the relevant geopolitically close regions – Europe and Southeast Asia. This research analyses all above mentioned peculiarities based on chronological period – at the beginning of pandemic situation in 2020. It was found that Russia most actively used the effects of the beginning of global pandemic on the European direction of foreign policy, under the impact of energy factor and the formation of the image of “peacemaker” and the role of “messiah” in the region. In the study, Italy is an example of the use of hybrid influence from Russia, the spread of fakes and the presentation of the “weakness” of the EU at the beginning of the pandemic in a rapid political response to the threat. Southeast Asia became the region of Chinese foreign policy in counteracting COVID-19, where China’s “mask diplomacy” acts as a countermeasure to overcome conflict in the South China Sea, form a system of “subordination” and realization the idea of “community of common destiny”. The findings reveal that Russia and China can be characterized as states that have political regimes with special tools and mechanisms for policy implementation. Beijing and Moscow not only aim to strengthen their influence in neighboring regions, but also to oppose the United States. Analyzing political actions and mechanism that Russia and China used at the beginning of pandemic, the authors confirmed that both countries aim to use “vaccine diplomacy” as an effective tool for influencing the coronavirus international order.
14

Międzynarodowe uwarunkowania postawy Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej wobec programu nuklearnego Koreańskiej Republiki Ludowo- Demokratycznej w XXI wieku

63%
Jureńczyk Ł.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
|
2019
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vol. 67
|
issue 9: Sinologia
5-36
EN
The subject of the analysis are the international conditions of the PRC’s attitude towards the nuclear program of the DPRK in the 21st century. These issues are considered in three main aspects: political, strategic-military, and economic. China wants to solve the North Korean nuclear program because it causes many negative consequences for the Middle Kingdom. It is ready for international cooperation in this field with the international community. It actively engages in multilateral talks as well as participates in the international sanctions system. External factors, including activities of the DPRK, countries of the region and the US have a significant impact on China’s attitude towards North Korea. In Beijing, various strategies for action towards Pyongyang are being considered, but in principle they exclude the use of military power. For Beijing, it is important that the evolution of the situation on the Korean Peninsula does not have a negative impact on the political, military and economic interests of China in the region and the world, and especially its position in strategic rivalry with the United States.
PL
Przedmiotem analizy są międzynarodowe uwarunkowanie postawy ChRL wobec programu nuklearnego KRLD w XXI wieku. Kwestie te rozpatrywane są w trzech zasadniczych aspektach: politycznym, strategiczno-wojskowym i gospodarczym. Chinom zależy na rozwiązaniu kwestii programu jądrowego Korei Północnej, ponieważ powoduje ona wiele negatywnych następstw dla Państwa Środka. Gotowe są one do międzynarodowej współpracy w tym zakresie ze społecznością międzynarodową. Aktywnie angażują się w rozmowy wielostronne, jak również uczestniczą w systemie sankcji międzynarodowych. Czynniki zewnętrzne, w tym działania KRLD, państw regionu i USA mają istotny wpływ na postawę Chin wobec Korei Północnej. W Pekinie rozważane są różne strategie działania wobec Pjongjangu, jednak zasadniczo wykluczają one zastosowanie rozwiązań militarnych. Dla Pekinu istotnym jest, aby ewolucja sytuacji na Półwyspie Koreańskim nie przełożyła się negatywnie na polityczne, militarne i gospodarcze interesy Chin w regionie i na świecie, a szczególnie na ich pozycję w strategicznej rywalizacji ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi.
15
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Przywódcy polityczni: Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De – przestrzeń współpracy i rywalizacji

63%
Mencel M. T.
Cywilizacja i Polityka
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2016
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vol. 14
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issue 14
345-377
EN
This lecture includes an attempt to answer the question: what the connection of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Zhu De was, and what conditions contributed to the fact that both Zhou Enlai and Zhu De did not share the fate of the political opponents of Mao Zedong, inter alia Liu Shaoqi, Wang Ming, Gao Gang and others. Recognizing the political reality of China of the period from the creation of the CPC to the death of the heroes, the synthetic approach shows their resumes, and an attempt was taken to involve the most important facts to answer the questions, inter alia about civil, war of national liberation, domestic and foreign policy of China implemented in accordance with the provisions of the Communist Party of China and the role of the heroes in shaping the cultural and civilisation order after the declaration of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China.
16
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Pierwsza wizyta polskiej delegacji partyjno-rządowej w Chińskiej Republice Ludowej w 1954 r. w świetle artykułów „Trybuny Ludu”

63%
Bednarczyk M. J.
Przegląd Orientalistyczny
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2016
|
issue 1-2
13-30
EN
Foreign visits by state delegations constitute a regular component of international relations. The case of Poland in the Stalinist era was no different in this respect, even though the foreign visits were usually limited to the democracies of their fellow comrades. Among such numerous visits made by the Polish officials of the time, one is of special interest to us. This was a party-governmental visit to the People’s Republic of China and the Mongolian People’s Republic, held from 24 September until 13 October 1954. The pretext for the “friendly visit” were the celebrations of the fifth anniversary of the rise of the People’s Republic of China, held on 1 October 1954. The invitation was issued by the Central Government of the People’s Republic of China, and addressed exclusively to representatives of the Communist states and parties. The four–member Polish delegation was headed by the Secretary General of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party (henceforth as PUWP) Bolesław Bierut and it also included a Member of the Political Office (Politburo) of the Central Committee of PUWP, deputy prime minister Jakub Berman, deputy prime minister Stefan Jędrychowski and the vice-president of the Council of the State Stefan Ignar. It was the first visit by top-ranking Polish Communist officials in China, which would not have been possible without the prior reshuffle in the Soviet Union’s political regime after the death of Joseph Stalin. This article presents the course of events of the above–mentioned, exotic visit as reported by the press articles in “Trybuna Ludu” [People’s Tribune] – the major press title of the Central Committee of PUWP. Our analysis of these press reports, sent with a two-day delay via a correspondent of the Polish Press Agency, shows which facts relating to the event were highlighted by the journalists.
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Od Mao Zedonga do Xi Jinpinga. Cechy, cele, kierunki i narzędzia zagranicznej polityki gospodarczej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej

63%
Twarowska K., Curie-Skłodowskiej U. M.
Ekonomia Międzynarodowa
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2015
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vol. 010
EN
The aim of the paper is to evaluate the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) foreign economic policy and to indicate the consequences of that policy for China’s position on the international scene. The paper presents the characteristics, objectives, directions and tools of its foreign policy, with special emphasis on economic aspects. The most important conclusion from the analysis is that in the last 65 years, since the establishment of the PRC, a unique style of Chinese foreign policy was formed, which is based on money, not arms. China has experienced significant economic and social development, but is still facing opportunities as well as challenges and threats.
18

Wsparcie rozwojowe i współpraca gospodarcza Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej z Afganistanem

63%
Jureńczyk Ł.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
|
2017
|
vol. 65
|
issue 9: Sinologia
29-45
EN
The aim of the article is to present and assess the development assistance provided by the Government of the People’s Republic of China to Afghanistan and the economic cooperation between these states. It presents the motives, circumstances and prospects of these activities. This article has two main theses. Firstly, the development assistance provided by the PRC Government to Afghanistan is very limited. This is mainly due to the fact that the Beijing authorities do not want to support the actions of the United States-led international coalition in Afghanistan. Secondly, also the economic cooperation between states is limited, which is primarily a consequence of the fragile security situation in the country. Derogations from this rule are relatively high investments of Chinese companies in the Afghan mining sector.
PL
Celem artykułu jest prezentacja i ocena wsparcia rozwojowego udzielanego przez rząd Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej Afganistanowi oraz współpracy gospodarczej między tymi państwami. Autor przedstawia motywy, okoliczności i perspektywy tych działań. W artykule postawiono dwie główne tezy. Po pierwsze, wsparcie rozwojowe udzielane przez rząd ChRL Afganistanowi jest bardzo ograniczone. Wynika to głównie z faktu, że władze w Pekinie nie chcą wspierać działającej pod amerykańskim przywództwem koalicji międzynarodowej w Afganistanie. Po drugie, współpraca gospodarcza między państwami także jest ograniczona, co jest konsekwencją przede wszystkim niestabilnej sytuacji w kraju. Odstępstwem od tej reguły są relatywnie duże inwestycje chińskich przedsiębiorstw w sektor wydobywczy Afganistanu.
19
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Content available

Wpływ chińskiej inicjatywy Pasa i Szlaku na środowisko naturalne

63%
Tomaszewska P.
Studia Orientalne
|
2022
|
issue 1(21)
9-28
RU
Целью статьи является (1) описание двусмысленности определения BRI; (2) предложение упрощенной и обобщенной типологии инфраструктуры НИОКР; (3) анализ китайских документов по проектам «озеленения» в рамках инициативы «Один пояс, один путь»; (4) описание влияния инициативы на окружающую среду; (5) описание роли социальных и экономических факторов, влияющих на среду НИОКР и политику устойчивого развития. Статья может способствовать активизации дискуссии о воздействии инициативы «Один пояс, один путь» на окружающую среду и проведению дальнейших междисциплинарных исследований с учетом многогранного характера этой трансграничной инициативы. Это очень важно, поскольку влияние BRI, вероятно, будет ощущаться на протяжении поколений после его завершения во всем мире. В статье в основном используются следующие методы исследования: метод институционально-правового анализа (для представления институциональных и правовых основ Зеленого шелкового пути); метод сбора и наблюдения фактов, а также метод синтеза и анализа.
EN
The article aims (1) to describe the ambiguities around the definition of BRI; (2) propose a simplified and generalised typology of RDI infrastructure; (3) analyse Chinese documents on “greening” projects under the “Belt and Road” Initiative; (4) describe the initiative’s impact on the environment; (5) describe the role of social and economic factors influencing the environment of RDI and sustainable development policy. The article contributes to the discussion on the environmental impact of the Belt and Road Initiative and further interdisciplinary research – considering the multifaceted nature of this cross-border initiative. It is crucial as the impact of BRI is likely to be felt for generations after it is completed worldwide. The article uses the following research methods: the method of institutional and legal analysis (to present the institutional and legal foundations of the Green Silk Road); the method of collecting and observing facts, as well as the method of synthesis and analysis.
20

Broń nuklearna w strategii i polityce bezpieczeństwa Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej

63%
Jureńczyk Ł.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
|
2018
|
vol. 66
|
issue 9: Sinologia
pl
EN
The subject of the analysis is the location of nuclear weapons in the strategy and security policy of the People’s Republic of China. The aim of the article is to present and evaluate the importance of nuclear weapons to ensure China’s deterrence and defense ability against military threats. It discusses the evolution of the Chinese communist authorities’ approaches to nuclear weapons and the perception of its essence in modern times. This issue was considered in the strategic, political and theoretical dimension. The main thesis of the article is the statement that the importance of nuclear weapons has been systematically growing in the context of the need to provide China with greater defense and deterrence capabilities. The modernized nuclear arsenal and extended delivery systems are now very important factors in the promotion of China in the international security system. They give the PRC a psychological advantage in disputes and conflicts with its neighbors, as well as deterrent against the competitive United States.
PL
Przedmiotem analiz jest umiejscowienie broni nuklearnej w strategii i polityce bezpieczeństwa Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena znaczenia broni jądrowej dla zapewnienia sobie przez Chiny zdolności odstraszania i obrony przed zagrożeniami militarnymi. Omówiono w nim ewolucję podejścia komunistycznych władz ChRL do broni nuklearnej i postrzeganie jej istoty we współczesności. Zagadnienie to rozpatrywano w wymiarze strategicznym, politycznym i teoretycznym. Główną tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że znaczenie broni jądrowej systematycznie wzrastało w kontekście potrzeby zapewnienia Chinom większej zdolności obrony i odstraszania. Modernizowany arsenał jądrowy i rozbudowywane systemy jego przenoszenia są obecnie bardzo ważnymi faktorami awansu Chin w międzynarodowym systemie bezpieczeństwa. Dają one ChRL przewagę psychologiczną w sporach i konfliktach z sąsiadami, jak również stanowią czynnik odstraszania wobec konkurencyjnych Stanów Zjednoczonych.
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