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EN
Presented text concerns actions of the security services of Soviet Ukraine against Poland during the election to the polish Parliament in 1922. It shows the actions of sabotage groups, spies and political bodies of Soviet Ukraine. The article discusses state of safety polish – soviet borderland on the section of Eastern Malopolska not yet joined to Poland. It shows some methods of intelligence work and the organization of sabotage activities in Poland.
EN
The north-eastern Carpathian foothills is an upland area interspersed with valleys. The largest number of Middle Palaeolithic sites are situated on the Lesser Polish Upland and the Podolian Upland. The Polish Jura is characterised by a typically Jurassic landscape marked by large relief variations, dry valleys and a number of outcrops of Upper Jurassic rocky limestone with numerous caves. Podolia, on the other hand, is an upland territory with a dense network of wide and deep river valleys cutting into thick layers of loess. An important element of this landscape is the range of hills made up of neogene limestone (Towtry) with poorly preserved karst forms. In this article, the oldest phases of the Middle Palaeolithic have been compared on the example of two benchmark sites of a multi-phase character: the Biśnik Cave (BC) and Velykyi Glybochok. They are both located in a similar favourable geographical position. Lower sections of chrono-cultural sequences from both sites have been presented and compared with the chronostratigraphy of the Korolevo site in Transcarpathian Ukraine. The oldest occupation phases in the Biśnik Cave have been preserved in the complex of the following layers: 19a – d, and 19. The oldest of those (layers 19 b – d), dated to over 500 ka, were re-deposited within the area of the cave. They are characterised by the proto-Levallois technique, the occurrence of side-scrapers, denticulate-notched tools and inserts of composite tools. A well-developed Levallois method, the La Quina method, side-scrapers and denticulate-notched tools are the features of the assemblage from layer 19a, discovered in the primary context and dated to OIS 7. From the same phase comes layer III in VG. It is characterised by the presence of the Levallois method, discoid method, the La Quina method, side-scrapers, denticulate-notched tools and Mousterian points. In Korolewo, the Levallois method is accompanied by bifacial technique in the form of Middle Palaeolithic points, there are also side-scrapers and denticulate tools. Both in VG (III B) and BC (layers 18 and 15) the bifacial technique does not appear before OIS6. The above observations allow us to regard the Carpathian region as an independent centre of the initial Levallois method of lithic raw material processing, regardless of Western Europe. The analysed assemblages, along with several others from southern Germany, may be traces of the oldest phase of the Mousterian culture of the Acheulean tradition in Central-Eastern Europe, distinguished by the co-occurrence of the Levallois and bifacial methods.
EN
Włodzimierz Odojewski is one of the most famous émigré writers who still deals with the topic of emigration, even in his books published long after hisboth symbolic and real return to the homeland. Significant extension and dwelling on the said topic can be observed in the book …i poniosły konie […and the horses bolted]. The aim of this paper is to provide an interpretation of the short stories gathered in the volume (published in 2006) from the perspective of the biographical context, the rest of Odojewski’s writings, as well as his opinions on various aspects of exile. Such interpretation reveals a more existential and internalized dimension of emigration but also its universal meanings. Thus, emigration is considered to be a metaphor of human fate.
5
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Kocioł z Podola

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EN
The collection of the State Archaeological Museum in Warsaw includes a large metal vessel (Fig. 1, 4, 5). Its exact findspot is unknown and only the general location in Podolia (western Ukraine) is known. The vessel was published by W. Antoniewicz (1945; 1958) and mentioned subsequently by Soviet authors (A. I. Terenožkin 1962; V. S. Bočkar’ov 1972). It belongs among vessels referred to as cauldrons, which are known mainly from Ukraine. The cauldrons are most frequently described as being made of bronze, although no analyses of metal composition have been made for them. Studies made at State Archaeological Museum have shown that the specimen in question was forged from sheet copper (List 1, fig. 3). The vessel has a hollow foot, profiled body and splayed neck. It is fitted with two vertical handles made of rods which were incised and beaten flat at both ends before being riveted to the vessel neck (Fig. 9a,b, 10). The ratio of the height of the cauldron to its rim is 71.4 cm, its weight – 14 kg. The vessel was manufactured of five sheets of sheet copper 1–2 mm in thickness, near the rim ca. 7 mm. The foot and the body were attached to each other and the bottom fixed to them in a striking manner (Fig. 6). Upper segments of the vessel are joined with horizontal rows of rivets. Given the lack of vertical riveting or traces of hammering of sheet edges (not revealed even by the X-ray analysis) we may assume that individual segments were fashioned in one piece and given their final shape on a special stand. The cauldron from Podolia is the most elaborately and uniquely ornamented vessel of its category known to date. The ornament is without exception concave (engraved and punched). It covers the foot and the neck. On the foot it occurs both on the outside (Fig. 11) and the inside (Fig. 12). On the outer surface in the upper section of the foot X-ray photography revealed yet another band of ornament based on geometric designs. The neck is ornamented on its entire surface starting from a wavy cutting out section of the lower edge of the sheet (Fig. 8). It is covered by five horizontal bands 25 do 32 mm wide bounded by horizontal lines and rows of points. The bands are filled with decorative designs varying in the degree of complexity (Fig. 4, 13). The ornament was produced with the help of at least four tools, each with a differently shaped blade. The cauldron is in a relatively good condition. The handles are only slightly collapsed inwards and the vessel wall near both the handle attachments is also sunken in (Fig. 10); the foot and the body suffered only slight deformation and there are small dents and cracks in the copper sheet. Some of these injuries probably developed after the cauldron either fell over or dropped from a height; as a result of the resulting deformation most of the rivets joining the neck to the body fell out; of eight rivets which survive today four are iron with copper lined heads – evidence of contemporary repairs made to the vessel. Of cauldrons known to date the vessel from Podolia is the largest, twice as high as other specimens of its kind. In its form it has analogies in several other strongly profiled vessels with a hollow foot (Fig. 2). Another variant is bucket-like cauldrons lacking a distinct foot (Fig. 14) having vertically riveted walls or walls hammered of half-sheets. Cauldrons of both variants may be plain or ornamented only very modestly, most frequently with araised ornament executed from the inside the vessel. In Soviet literature all forged cauldrons, irrespective of their form and ornamentation, are ascribed to the Srubnaya culture. A mound of this culture is known with certainty to have produced a bucket-like cauldron. On the basis of inventory accompanying it has been dated to the 14–13th c.BC (A. L. Nečitajlo 1975), possibly, to the 15–14th c. (A. I. Terenožkin 1982). It seems that the Srubnaya culture origin and so early a chronology may fit bucket-like vessels but not the much more technologically sophisticated strongly profiled forms with a hollow foot. Their dating may be defined on the basis of ornamentation of the Podolia specimen discussed here. It finds analogies in ornamentation of pottery and metal objects of Chornii-Lis culture (Fig. 15a–d,f), especially those originating from its younger phase, dated to 900–725 BC, as well as in the ornamentation of Scythian vessels (Fig.15e, g, h). These links suggest that the cauldron from Podolia should be dated to the 8–6th c. and it seems that a similar chronology may be ascribed to cauldrons of the same type from Antoniny in Volhynia, Tarashcha and Kuybyshev/Samara (cf.. V. S. Bočkar’ov 1972). However, evidence is insufficient to apply the same chronology to bucket-like vessels. The cauldron from Podolia presumably served religious purposes – this interpretation of the function of Scythian cauldrons bases on a reference in Herodotus (V. P. Levašova, È. R. Rygdylon 1952). Its circular handles were adjusted to suspending from a pole; the inward collapse of the handles and denting of the neck probably were caused by overloading of the suspended cauldron. The supposition that the cauldron used to be suspended is supported by the fact it features an ornament on the internal wall of its hollow foot, an ornament, which would not have been visible unless the vessel was suspended. It is also worth noting that originally the cauldron was fully watertight and was probably used for storing liquids or food.
EN
The key and basic problem in doing research about the history of the Catholic Church of Latin rite in the eastern regions of the Republic of Both Nations (the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth), after the regions of the Republic were included into Russian Empire, is verification of information about the changes in administrative division, numbers of parishes, churches and chapels and the number of clergy and the faithful. The difficulties refer to period 1772–1939. The data to which the researchers are usually referring were determined on the basis of fragmentary sources from Polish and West-European archives, scientific periodicals and old publications of historians. The paper’s aim is to verify the essential information about the diocese of Kamyanets, for the period before the onset of the Russian repressions following the November Uprising.
PL
Kluczowym i podstawowym problemem w badaniach nad dziejami Kościoła katolickiego obrządku łacińskiego na wschodnich ziemiach Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów, po rozbiorach wcielonych do Imperium Rosyjskiego, jest weryfikacja informacji dotyczących zmian w podziale administracyjnym, ilości parafii, kościołów, kaplic oraz liczby duchowieństwa i wiernych od 1772 do 1939 roku. Istniejące w obiegu naukowym, często wykorzystywane i komentowane dane zostały ustalone na podstawie szczątkowych źródeł, znajdujących się w polskich i zachodnioeuropejskich archiwach, wydawnictw prasowych oraz dawniejszych publikacji historyków. Niniejsza praca ma za zadanie zweryfikowanie podstawowych informacji o diecezji kamienieckiej przed rozpoczęciem represji rosyjskich, po upadku powstania listopadowego.
EN
On behalf of the Lithuanian and Russian Lands Association Adam Mickiewicz issued a proclamation to Polish emigrants in France to write down their insurrectionary memories. The study discusses the texts arisen with the mentioned inspiration and published by Feliks Wrotnowski and, furthermore, documents the thesis that a part of My memories [Moje wspomnienia] by Aleksander Jełowickiis a slightly late response to Mickiewicz’s appeal. The sections concerning the childhood and youth periods of a Parisian editor were clearly situated within Sir Thaddeus’ [Pan Tadeusz] context. Polish memoirs written in France in the thirties of XIX century became a pattern for the next generation involved in the preservation of Polish cultural heritage.
PL
Adam Mickiewicz w imieniu Towarzystwa Litewskiego i Ziem Ruskich wystosował do polskich emigrantów we Francji odezwę zachęcającą do spisywania wspomnień powstańczych. Artykuł omawia powstałe z tej inspiracji prace opublikowane przez Feliksa Wrotnowskiego oraz dokumentuje tezę, że część Moich wspomnień Aleksandra Jełowickiego jest nieco spóźnioną odpowiedzią na apel Mickiewicza. Natomiast część pamiętnika dotycząca dzieciństwa i młodości paryskiego wydawcy była wyraźnie sytuowana w kontekście Pana Tadeusza. Polskie pamiętniki powstałe we Francji w latach trzydziestych XIX wieku stały się wzorcem dla kolejnego pokolenia zaangażowanego w zachowanie polskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego.
EN
There was no social agreement to educate children, especially these coming from peasantry. The meaning of school was understood by nobility, but only these who belonged to richer nobility were determined to educate their children properly. No one cared for education of poorer nobility, townspeople, and peasantry as a rule. Views which were universally avowed at that time caused reluctance towards school. It was thought that learning could spoil children and draw them aside from work on farms and in craft; this point of view was shared by peasantry, townspeople and also landowners. It was nobody’s business to found schools. The clergy and landowners did not see any need to spend money on a school and teacher, especially in poor parishes and one-village estates. Peasantry considered learning as luxury. Founding schools was difficult also because of great dispersion of Catholics. It was a problem to gather in a parish church, outside bigger towns, a bigger amount of children living in the neighbourhood necessary to open a school.Nevertheless, a handful of enthusiasts succeeded in beginning a debate considering the issue of necessity of creating of a thicker system of village and provincial schools. In the consequence of their activity in the thirties of the XIX th in Podolia region the amount of parish schools increased. There were only 17 schools of this type in the last years of independence of the Republic in bracławskie and podolskie voivodships. On the basis of data prepared for school superintendents of Vilnius University we know that in years 1804-1815 from 16 to 26 schools functioned in the Podolian guberniya. The information collected by priest Wawrzyniec Marczyński show that in 1821 there were 45 schools in Podolia region. Protocols coming from inspections carried out ten years later confirm existence of 48 schools.There were few children in parish schools. In 1804 to 17 schools 221 children were signed up. Data collected by Marczyński show that in 45 schools 753 pupils learnt, and around 1830 there were approximately 839 pupils in 48 schools.Unlike in Lithuania and Belaruses in Podolia children of poorer nobility attended schools. In northern guberniyas of the Western Country mostly peasant’s children learnt. In Podolia richer nobility educated their descendants in-house or sent them to urban schools which were situated further. Townspeople learnt in several bigger cities (Gródek, Płosrkiów, Satanów), there were hardly any peasant’s children in parish schools. A vast majority of pupils belonged to the Roman Church, although there were also pupils coming from the Orthodox Church from all states. Polish form of their surnames suggests that they were descendants of ex Uniats or they came from mixed marriages. Children from 6 to 15 years old attended school (96,6%), but there were also younger and much older ones.Teachers were laic and came from nobility. They were 35 years old at most. Graduates of secondary schools, who could not count on their own estates, started their way in looking for bread with such an occupation. The work was seasonal. Teachers teaching for a longer time were only in schools in larger cities which were opened for the whole year. In smaller schools, which were opened when there was no work in the fields, the teacher did not have a sufficient income to stay there for longer.The programme of parish schools did not differ much from the one which was taught in the old Polish period. Children were taught to read, write and also some basic arithmetic operations. Large pressure was put on religious and moral education.
PL
Nie było zgody społecznej na powszechne kształcenie dzieci, zwłaszcza chłopskich. Znaczenie szkoły rozumiała szlachta, ale tylko ta bogatsza była zdeterminowana do starannego kształcenia swoich pociech. Zasadniczo nie troszczono się o kształcenie uboższej szlachty, mieszczan i chłopów. Niechęć do szkoły wynikała z powszechnie wówczas wyznawanych poglądów. Nauka miała psuć dzieci, odciągając ich od pracy na roli i w rzemiośle. Takiego zdania byli zarówno chłopi, mieszczanie, jak i właściciele ziemscy. Nikt więc nie miał interesu, by zakładać szkoły. Duchowieństwo i właściciele ziemscy nie widzieli potrzeby wydawania pieniędzy na szkołę i nauczyciela, zwłaszcza w ubogich parafiach i majątkach jednowioskowych. Chłopi uważali naukę za zbytek. Powstawanie szkół utrudniało również wielkie rozproszenie katolików. Nie lada kłopotem było zebranie przy kościele parafialnym, poza większymi miasteczkami, większej liczby dzieci mieszkających w okolicy, koniecznej do otwarcia szkoły.Mimo to garstce zapaleńców udało się rozpocząć debatę na temat konieczności powstania gęstszej sieci szkół wiejskich i małomiasteczkowych. W efekcie ich działaności w pierwszym trzydziestoleciu XIX w. na Podolu wzrosła liczba szkół parafialnych. W ostatnich latach niepodległości Rzeczpospolitej w województwach bracławskim i podolskim istniało zaledwie 17 szkół tego typu. Na podstawie danych sporządzanych dla kuratorów Uniwersytetu Wileńskiego wiemy, że w latach 1804–1815 w guberni podolskiej funkcjonowało od 16 do 26 szkół. Z informacji zebranych przez ks. Wawrzyńca Marczyńskiego wynika, że w 1821 r. na Podolu było 45 szkół. Dziesięć lat później protokoły wizytacyjne potwierdzają istnienie 48 szkół.W szkołach parafialnych uczyło się niewiele dzieci. W 1804 r. do 17 szkół zapisanych było 221 dzieci. Z danych zebranych przez ks. Wawrzyńca Marczyńskiego wynika, że w 45 szkołach uczyło się 753 uczniów, a ok. 1830 r. w 48 placówkach – ok. 839.Inaczej niż na Litwie i Białorusi na Podolu do szkół uczęszczały dzieci uboższej szlachty. W północnych guberniach Kraju Zachodniego uczyły się przede wszystkim dzieci chłopskie. Na Podolu bogatsza szlachta kształciła swoich potomków we własnym zakresie lub wysyłała ich do dalej położonych szkół wielkomiejskich. Mieszczanie uczyli się w kilku większych miastach (Gródek, Płoskirów, Satanów), dzieci chłopskich w szkołach parafialnych prawie nie było. Zdecydowana większość uczniów należała do Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego, choć nie brakował prawosławnych z wszystkich stanów. Polska forma ich nazwisk sugeruje, że byli to potomkowie byłych unitów lub pochodzili z małżeństw mieszanych. Do szkoły uczęszczały dzieci w wieku od 6 do 15 lat (96,6%), ale zdarzali się również uczniowie młodsi i dużo starsi.Nauczycielami z zasady byli świeccy pochodzenia szlacheckiego. Mieli co najwyżej 35 lat. Absolwenci szkół średnich, niemogący liczyć na własny majątek ziemski, od takiego zajęcia rozpoczynali peregrynację za chlebem. Praca była sezonowa. Tylko w szkołach działających w dużych miastach przez cały rok zdarzali się nauczyciele uczący przez dłuższy czas. W szkołach mniejszych, otwartych poza sezonem prac rolnych, nauczyciele nie mieli wystarczającego dochodu, by wiązać z nimi swoją przyszłość.Program szkół parafialnych nie odbiegał wiele od tego, jaki obowiązywał w okresie staropolskim. Dzieci uczono czytać i pisać oraz podstawowych działań arytmetycznych. Duży nacisk kładziono na wychowanie religijne i moralne.
EN
The subject of this article are local names in tombstone inscriptions that have survived in the rural Catholic cemeteries of historical Podolia. The aim is to analyze tchem through the prism of the classification proposed by Kazimierz Długosz. Tombstone inscriptions, treated as “texts of culture”, show the social relations of the former Podolia as a border area, identity issues, as well as cultural and economic changes.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu są nazwy miejscowe w inskrypcjach nagrobnych, które zachowały się na wiejskich cmentarzach katolickich historycznego Podola. Celem jest ich analiza przez pryzmat klasyfikacji zaproponowanej przez Kazimierza Długosza. Inskrypcje nagrobne, traktowane jako „teksty kultury”, ukazują relacje społeczne dawnego Podola jako terenu pogranicza, kwestie tożsamościowe, a także przemiany kulturowe i gospodarcze.
PL
Julian Wołoszynowski w zbiorze Opowiadań podolskich sygnalizuje tragiczny finał świata Podola, który w dzieciństwie i młodości autor poznał jako swoje naturalne środowisko. Wskazywana wcześniej przez krytyków i badaczy tradycja romantyczna i neoromantyczna jest rzeczywiście obecna w tej twórczości, jednakże trzeba w niej też zauważyć liczne i różnorodne sygnały dystansowania się od tradycyjnych wzorców. Obok tych romantycznych i neoromantycznych wskazać trzeba zastosowaną w opowiadaniach poetykę realizmu, czasami również groteski. Autorka artykułu zdecydowanie opowiada się za stanowiskiem tych, którzy widzą w Julianie Wołoszynowskim pisarza dużej klasy, dotychczas niedocenionego.
EN
Julian Wołoszynowski in the collection entitled „The Podolian Stories” signals the tragic final of the Podolian world which he got to know as his natural environment during his childhood and the youth period. The romantic and neoromantic tradition, which was earlier indicated by the critics and researchers, is indeed present in these writings, however one should notice numerous and various signals of distancing from traditional patterns. Besides romantic and neoromantic patterns the realism poetry or even grotesque should be noticed. The author of the article definitely pronounces for the position of those who perceive Julian Wołoszynowski as a first class, yet underestimated writer.
EN
Eleven monasteries of the Dominican Brothers and one of the Dominican Sisters existed in the area of the Diocese of Kamyanets-Podilskyi in the first half of the 19th century. Thanks to the visitations preserved from that period, we can find out about the personal makeup, emolument of the monastery, and its book collections. The latter are the subject of this article. Their analysis is based on the visitation protocols from 1824. Documents that allow for a detailed analysis and comparison of all monasteries as far as their book collections are concerned are preserved in the National Archive of the Khmelnytskyi Oblast. The source is even more important as it is the last one pertinent to all monasteries before their dissolution in 1832 (only the Dominican Sisters in Kamyanets-Podilskyi were dissolved in 1864). Based on these visitations, we managed to learn about the size of the book collections, their thematic scope, age, as well as the languages in which the books were written. The analysis led to the conclusion that Dominican libraries in Podolia were rather small. The biggest ones were in Kamyanets-Podilskyi and Letychiv, the rest of libraries fell far behind them. In the remaining libraries, homiletical and ascetic literature dominated, evidently corresponding to the preaching work of the monks. The only convent that belonged to the Order of St. Dominic also did not possess an exceptional collection. However, the negligent catalogue did not allow for a deeper analysis.
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W sprawie autorstwa pałaców na Podolu

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EN
Palaces raised in the early 19th century in Niemija, Michałowice, and Maków, near Kamieniec Podolski, are described. The little palace-villa in Niemija, owned by Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki, has a square layout and is crowned with a little belvedere resembling the one of the Łazienki Palace. Destroyed during the Soviet revolution and known only from photos, the palace of Andrzej Eligiusz Dzierżek in Michałowice had a rectangular layout, was two-storeyed, and featured a four-column stone portico. During WW I the Maków residence of the Raciborski brothers: Jan and Adam, was destroyed. Photographs of several of the facilities there have been preserved: three Neo-Classicists – the outbuilding of the former palace, the park pavilion known as ‘At George’s’, and a stone table in the garden, as well as of two mock-Gothic ones - a granary and a smithy. When analyzing the form and architectural details of the buildings and comparing them with the preserved designs of Henryk Ittar, the Author decides that the above-described facilities were also designed by him.
EN
This article entitled “Pastoral service of Bernardine Fathers in Yarmolyntsi” covers the years 1761–1832. Paweł Starżyński, the owner of the city of Yarmolyntsi, in 1761 invited Franciscan Observants – Bernardine to the pastoral ministry. It was also this year that the monastery parish was founded. In the church under the invocation of St. John of Nepomuk and St. Anthony of Padua brothers performed sacramental service and spiritual care of the local people. In addition to pastoral and preaching work it is worth mentioning the existence of a parish school. It was not only a place for lay education, but also a place of catechization of children. Additionally, the brotherhood of St. Anna was active in the parish and dealt with spiritual care of adults. After 70 years of Bernardine’s work in Yarmolyntsi, on August 20, 1832, according to the Supreme Order of the Head of the Podolia Province no 23992 to the Kamianets Spiritual Consistory, the tsarist authorities liquidated the monastery and the monks had to leave the place of their work. Monastery of Bernardine Fathers was taken over for the needs of the tsarist authorities, and the church was transferred into the hands of the Orthodox Church.
PL
W XIV i XV wieku dla Wołynia i Podola kontakty handlowe z Zakonem Krzyżackim, włączając miasto Toruń, były działaniem naturalnym. Związki te wpłynęły na obieg monetarny na wspomnianych terenach, czego świadectwem jest obecność pieniądz zakonu krzyżackiego. We wrześniu 2014 r. w Nizhinsky region, Tschernikhov oblast znaleziono skarb, w którym były monety Wielkiego Mistrza Michała Kuhmeistra von Sternberg i półgrosze Władysława Jagiełły. Do rąk autora publikacji dotarły monety krzyżackie, które opisane zostały w artykule.
EN
In the 14th and 15th centuries the trading contacts of Volhynia and Podolia with the Teutonic Order ran through the city of Toruń, which was perfectly natural. Those contacts had an influence on the circulation of coinage in the two territories named above, which is attested to by the presence of coins of the Teutonic Order. In September 2014 in the Nizhinsky region, Tschernikhov oblast, was found a hoard in which were coins struck by the Grand Master Michael Kuhmeistra von Sternberg and a half-groschen of Władysław Jagiełło. The coins of the Order, which are described in this article, passed through the hands of the author.
RU
ля українсько-руських земель, особливо Волині та Поділля в XIV-XV ст. торгівельні зв’язки із містами держави Тевтонського Ордену в Прусії, зокрема, м. Торунем були традиційними. Торгівельні вза- ємини забезпечували появу на грошовий ринок українських земель орденських монет і їхнє поширення навіть за традиційні ареали розповсюдження. У березні 2014 р. у Ніжинському районі Чернігівської області був зна- йдений монетний комплекс (гаманець) до складу якого входило сім дореформених шилінгів Великого магістра Міхаеля Кюхмайстер фон Штернберга та коронний квартник (півгріш) Владислава Ягайла.
EN
The article presented here presents the history of the Podolian Line of the renowned Lanckoroński family, Zadora coat of arms, which in the mid-16th century took into its possession the town of Jagielnica, together with the adjacent estates in Podolia. The first owner of Jagielnica from the Lanckoroński family was Hieronim (d. 1569), starost of Skała, who was the actual ancestor of the Jagielnica branch of this family. The article analyses four generations of the Lanckoroński family from this line. While the history of the life of Hieronim and his sons, grandchildren and great-grandchildren is discussed briefly, most of the text is devoted to the most eminent descendants of the starost of Skała – his sons Stanisław (d. 1592), castellan of Halych and Mikołaj (d. 1597), chamberlain of Podolia, his grandson Stanisław (1585–1617), voivode of Podolia and his great-grandson, also Stanisław (d. 1657), the voivode of Ruthenia and the field hetman of Crown. In this article, the author introduced a number of corrections and additions both to the genealogy of the Lanckoroński family and to the biographies of many representatives of the Jagielnica line. Much attention is devoted to the families from which the Lanckoroński’s wives came. Kinship was established between the particular representatives of this family who and certain important and influential personalities on the political scene of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Keeping in mind the broader background of the history of the Polish-Lithuanian state, the author also discusses a number of previously unknown political, economic and moral issues related to the history of the Lanckoroński family.
PL
W prezentowanym tu artykule przedstawiono dzieje tej linii znanego rodu Lanckorońskich herbu Zadora, która w połowie XVI w. objęła w posiadanie miasto Jagielnicę z przyległymi dobrami na Podolu. Pierwszym właścicielem Jagielnicy z rodu Lanckorońskich był starosta skalski Hieronim (zm. 1569), który był właściwym protoplastą jagielnickiej gałęzi tej rodziny. Przedmiotem zainteresowania autora były cztery pokolenia Lanckorońskich z tej linii. Omówiono tu pokrótce dzieje życia tak samego Hieronima, jak i jego synów, wnuków i prawnuków. Najwięcej miejsca poświęcono najwybitniejszym potomkom starosty skalskiego – synom Stanisławowi (zm. 1592), kasztelanowi halickiemu i Mikołajowi (zm. 1597), podkomorzemu podolskiemu, wnukowi Stanisławowi (1585–1617), wojewodzie podolskiemu oraz prawnukowi, też Stanisławowi (zm. 1657), wojewodzie ruskiemu i hetmanowi polnemu koronnemu. Autor wprowadził szereg korekt i uzupełnień zarówno do genealogii rodziny Lanckorońskich, jak i do biografii wielu reprezentantów linii jagielnickiej. Sporo uwagi poświęcił też rodzinom, z których pochodziły żony Lanckorońskich. Ustalił pokrewieństwa łączące interesujących go przedstawicieli tej rodziny z ważnymi i wpływowymi osobistościami na scenie politycznej Rzeczypospolitej. Omówił również, na szerszym tle dziejów państwa polsko-litewskiego, szereg nieznanych wcześniej zagadnień natury politycznej, gospodarczej i obyczajowej związanych z historią opisywanej tu rodziny.
DE
Zu Beginn der zwanziger Jahre herrschte auf dem Territorium des Sowjetstaates eine schreckliche Hungersnot, die besonders das Wolgagebiet und den Kaukasus betraf. Die bolschewistischen Machthaber in Moskau machten sich diese Tragödie zunutze und erließen am 23. Februar 1922 ein Dekret über die Beschlagnahme der Kirchenschätze, die für den Spezialfonds des Zentralen Hungerhilfskomitees bestimmt werden sollten. Die wirklichen Ziele dieser Konfi szierung waren jedoch völlig andere, und das Dekret selbst lieferte den Machthabern lediglich einen bequemen Vorwand zum Angriff gegen die Kirche. Im Gefolge der Moskauer Regierung fassten die zentralen Exekutivorgane in der Sowjetukraine am 8. März 1922 dann ebenfalls einen solchen Beschluss. Bald darauf entstanden auf dem Territorium des gesamten Staates Kommissionen für die Beschlagnahme der Kirchenschätze, die unter der strikten Aufsicht und Kontrole der Tscheka arbeiten sollten. Beschlagnahmt wurden ausnahmslos alle sich in den Kirchen verschiedener Konfessionen befi ndende Wertgegenstände. Dem unmittelbaren Beginn der Konfiszierung der Kirchenschätze ging eine groß angelegte Agitationskampagne voraus. Im Gouvernement Podolien begann diese Aktion praktisch schon in der zweiten Aprilhälfte 1922 und dauerte bis Ende Juni. Bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt wurden in Podolien aus insgesamt 1048 orthodoxen Kirchen, 21 Klöstern, 81 anderen Kirchen und 188 Synagogen über 2,1 Tonne Silber, über ein halbes Kilo Gold und etwa 7000 Silberrubel sowie 60 Goldrubel konfisziert. Von diese Kampagne blieb auch die römisch-katholische Kirche in Podolien nicht verschont, die verglichen mit den anderen Konfessionen den stärksten Widerstand leistete. Die Geistlichen und Gläubigen der Diözese Kamieniec setzten sich ganz entschieden für ihre Kirchen ein, was in der Konsequenz dazu führte, dass einige Priester und Katholiken, die sich der Beschlagnahme widersetzten, verhaftet wurden und ins Gefängnis kamen. Das größte Aufsehen erregte in ganz Podolien und außerhalb seine Grenzen der Einsatz der römisch-katholischen Geistlichen und Gläubigen in Kamieniec Podolski, die offenen Widerstand gegen die Konfi szierungen leisteten. Vier Priester aus Kamieniec und mehrere Gemeindemitglieder wurden damals sogar zum Tode verurteilt, weil sie Kirchenschätze versteckt hatten, aber dieses Urteil wurde dank einer Intervention der polnischen Regierung dann in fünfjährige Gefängnisstrafen umgewandelt. Erst nach einem Jahr gelang es ihnen, ihre Freiheit wiederzuerlangen. Allerdings erlebte P. Antoni Niedzielski, der Pfarrer der Kathedrale von Kamieniec, diesen Tag nicht mehr, da er bereits im November 1922 im Gefängnis von Winnica verstorben war.
EN
The history of the Bar monastery, both Orthodox and Catholic, is still waiting for an in-depth study. As dispersed archive documents are found, there emerges a fuller picture of an important institution in the history of the education system in Podolia. Visitation reports show several forms of the monastery’s activity: education, charity, pastoral ministry and economic activity. They provide information about the number, education and competences of the monastics as well as the school curriculum, number and origin of the pupils, lay teachers. The documents also make it possible to establish the contents of and analyse the monastery’s book collection as well as textbooks and teaching aids. In addition, they reveal the funds at the disposal of one of the wealthiest monasteries in the region. The visitors also compiled a full list of the monastery’s subjects and their obligations as well as the Basilians’ economic activities. The documents in question make it possible to present the situation of the Bar congregation a dozen or so years before its dissolution.
PL
Nowożytne starostwo chmielnickie funkcjonowało w ramach gospodarki chłopskiej. W obrębie tej struktury od XVI do XVIII w. doświadczyło dwóch fluktuacji. Pierwszą z nich, trwającą od XVI do przełomu XVII i XVIII w., określono mianem „koniunktury tatarskiej”, ponieważ przede wszystkim za sprawą najazdów ordy wcześniejszy gwałtowny wzrost gospodarczy przerodził się w jeszcze głębszy kryzys. Drugą fluktuację, trwającą od początku XVIII do połowy XIX w., nazwano „koniunkturą maltuzjańską”, ponieważ tym razem żywiołowy wzrost gospodarczy ustąpił miejsca długotrwałej stagnacji, czego przyczyną było działanie prawa zmniejszających się przychodów.
EN
The early modern Khmilnyk (Chmielnik, Хмі́льник) Starosty was based on peasant economy. In the period between the sixteenth and the eighteenth century, the structure experienced two fluctuations. The earlier, taking place from the sixteenth century until the turn of the eighteenth century, was referred to as the “Tatar conjuncture,” due to the impact of the attacks of the Orda which converted the previous sudden economic growth into an exceptionally deep crisis. The second fluctuation, which occurred from the early eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth century, came to be known as the “Malthusian conjuncture,” with dynamic economic development giving way to long-lasting stagnation resulting from the law of diminishing returns.
EN
This study revolves around selected aspects of the activity of the Polish community in the Kiev, Podolia and Volyn governorates in 1864–1914. Questions have been asked about the activities nature, scope, directions and conditions, as well as the numbers and social background of the Poles involved in work for the benefit of the country. The extent of Polish socio-economic and political work in Russia at the time largely depended on the policy of the Tsarist authorities towards the local Poles. The efforts made were indicative of their real aspirations and served not only to save Polish property, but also to maintain the national awareness of the Polish community in Russia. After the October Manifesto was proclaimed, the efforts resulted in a number of cultural, educational and publishing initiatives, coupled with the establishment of organisations and associations, and the pursuit of political activity. Interestingly, they were a consequence of the sometimes isolated efforts for the benefit of the country before 1905. After the First Russian Revolution, on the other hand, they evolved into an arena for Ukrainian Poles to express their aspirations. Their elites sought, among other things, to restore their due position in the social hierarchy based on their status and economic power.
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