Search results

1

Transformacje religijności Polaków – wybrane aspekty religijnej zmiany

100%

Lisak M.

Sympozjum

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2015

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issue 2(29)

29-50

EN

The goal of the study is to examine essential aspects of transformations in the Polish religiousness. On the basis of a secondary empirical data analysis, including the dominicantes and communicates indicators, the CBOS’ surveys on religion and the ‘Polish Societal Diagnosis’ longitudinal research, the author provides three main findings. Firstly, the Polish society comes across the moderate secularization process that pushes religiosity of Poles into deinstitutionalization and subjectivity. Secondly, one can observe fostering of regional differentiation and polarization of the socio-religious profile of Poland. Thirdly, the current form of religiousness of Poles becomes far more a hybrid religion.

2

Aktywność gospodarcza Polaków na Syberii w XIX i na początku XX wieku.

80%

Masiarz W.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2013

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vol. 14

27-45

PL

From the end of the 17th centuru until 1914, Poles were being sent into exile to Siberia, first as prosoners of war, then as political prisoners of the Tsar's Russia for fighting for indepedence. After serving their sentences, few of the prosoners were allowed to go back to Poland. Wowever, most of them weredirected to free settlements where they had to take care of their own maintenance. Those who carried out scientific research brought fame to Poles by continuing it after regaitin freedom. Someof the prisoners started families and settled down enlarging Polish colonies. They also had to look for means of supporting themselves. All Poles in Siberia took actively participated in work, economy, trade, craft, services, culture, education, and arts. Poles who took up farming, crafts, and trade constituted only a small pecentage of the Polish diaspora in Siberia. The researchers managed to document some more important eonomic activity of 27 out of a few thousend Poles who were sent to exile in the years 1832-1860. The greatest number of economically and socially active Poles was among the exiles sent to Siberia after the January Uprising. It was related with the fact that about 28 thousand Polish patiots were sent to exile, although the official Russian data tells about 18,6 thousand. It can be assumed that a few thousand from among so many Poles could operate a busines. However operation of 79 people who dealt with trade, crafts, and soap and candle production was documented. They ran small hotels, restaurants, bars, canteens, hamand sausage stores, inns, bakeries, tanneries,salt-works, and shops. They worked as tailors, shoemakers, bookbinders, tinsmiths, coopersmiths, farmers and traders. A seperate group consisted of 156 exiled grouped in the years 1866-1880 in Tunka, 250 im to the south of irkutsk, who created. To avoid poverty they created an artel-a partnership and a shop that they ran on their own. They also created an agricultural company a pharmacy and a club. Some of them farmed leased lands, some were traders, and many became craftsmen. During the last 20 years of the 19th century and first 20 tears of the 20th century,apart the exexiles, a new category of Poles appeared in Siberia, primarly peasants and workers who migrated there voluntarily to earn money, make carerrs, and get lands that were granted by the Tsar to speed up colonization of Siberia. According to the first general general registry in Russia from 1897, around 30 thousand Poles inhabited Siberia, 10 thousand of whom (53%) worked on farms. the remauning Poles were active in all fields of economy. Until now, a more important economic career of 69 Poles was documented including 20 who owned gold mines. Summing up, it needs to be emphasized that the majority of Poles who settled down in Siberia, either voluntarily or not, undertook economic, financial and social activity if possible. 400 surnames have been examined and established so far from the period between 1832 and 1917. Thanks to their activity, those Poles obtained considerable properties and contributed to the economic and social development of Siberia.

3

Ludwik Mroczka Polacy i Ukraińcy między koegzystencją a konforntacją.

80%

Mroczka L.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2003

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vol. 2

183-199

PL

The Polish-Ukrainian neighbourhood was of great significance to both nations for many reasons:1. Polish-Ukrainian border territory, which included the lands inhabited by both ethnicgroups in 10%, constituted approximately 38% of the area and 30% of the population of Poland. The proportions were comparable for the Ukrainian part;2. National Identification, eąualled with citizenship would often write off ”the culture of little homelands”, which was so characteristic of the border territory;3. There was a considerable diversity in the social and professional structure of both ethnic groups;4. The World War I (1918-1919) had serious anti-integration conseąuences although itdid not manage to eliminate the”culture of little homelands” altogether.The alliance between Piłsudski and Petlura (1920-1921) did not alter the anti-Polish views and reactions of many Ukrainians from the territory of former Galicia. The enclosed reports (Appendix 1-3) contain the data about good living conditions for Ukrainian soldiers in intemment camps that were created after the treaty in Riga, and also about the political crisis among Ukrainian emigration and Bolshevik influences.

4

Udział Polaków w 21 Międzynarodowych Kongresach Bizantynistów w latach 1924-2006

80%

Kochanek P.

Vox Patrum

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2012

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vol. 57

309-335

EN

This article presents the share of Polish researchers in the field of Byzantine history in 21 of the International Congresses of Byzantine Studies, held in the years 1924-2006. The starting point of this article are the official statistics of these conferences, developed by prof. M. Nystazopoulou-Pélékidou and prof. V. Tăpkova-Zaimova. These official statistics have been revised and expanded with the participation of Poles in these congresses. Consequently, given not only the number of Poles taking part in various congresses, but also the titles given by their papers, the language in which these papers were delivered and scientific centers, what these researchers represented. Consideration was also given Polish researchers working abroad. In this way was constructed some kind of synthesis, which shows from a statistical point of view, the contribution of Polish investigators of Byzantine history at different congresses, held in the years 1924-2006.

5

O Polsce i o Polakach w pozaantologijnych pismach osobistych cudzoziemców XVIII i XIX wieku

70%

Lubas-Bartoszyńska R.

Przestrzenie Teorii

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2012

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issue 17

199-216

EN

This text presents some autobiographical writings of foreigners, which concern Poland of 18th and 19th century with the exception of those treated in J. Gintel’s anthology. This is no problem of systematic information concerning Poland’s reality in these centuries which are to be found in commentaries and treaties. We are discussing foreign diaries, memoires and autobiographies of the following authors: G.G. Casanova, Ch.J. de Ligne, J. Michelet, V. Hugo, R. de Chateaubriand, G. Sand, E. and J. de Goncourts. These autobiographical enunciations are treated here as the credible source of information. These personal texts are destined for Polish readers, who feel specific pleasure finding some mentions concerning Poland. The readers encounter Poles as historical persons, artists, writers in the background of historical events, in travel, social and everyday life.

6

Obraz Polski i Polaków w najnowszych filmach polskich i możliwość ich wykorzystania w edukacji kulturowej cudzoziemców

70%

Prędota J., Warszawski U.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Kształcenie Polonistyczne Cudzoziemców

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2011

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vol. 18

PL

Autorka pokazuje rolę filmów polskich w nauczaniu jpjo. Szczególnie koncentruje się na najnowszych osiągnięciach polskiej kinematografii, ukazując, jak kształtuje się w nich obraz Polski i Polaków.

EN

The author presents the role of the Polish films in teaching Polish as a foreign language. She especially concentrates on the latest achievements of the Polish cinema, showing how they present the image of the Polish people and Poland.

7

Ludność polska Wołynia i Galicji Wschodniej wobec mordów ukraińskich w latach 1943‑1944. Antropologia strachu

61%

Komoński E.

Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2013

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vol. 48

PL

Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza jednego z podstawowych determinantów działań obronnych Polaków na Wołyniu i w Galicji Wschodniej wobec polityki eksterminacyjnej nacjonalistów ukraińskich w latach 1943‑1944. Tym determinantem był strach, który w rożnych formach i rozmaitym natężeniu dotknął całą zagrożoną eksterminacją ludność polską w obu regionach. Analiza jego przejawów pozwala wysnuć wniosek, że strach stał się głównym imperatywem pierwszych, jeszcze niezinstytucjonalizowanych działań obronnych Polaków.

8

UKRAINIAN COMMUNITY IN POLAND IN THE CONTEXT OF POLISH-UKRAINIAN DIALOGUE

61%

Drozd R.

Ars inter Culturas

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2018

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vol. 7

17-34

EN

The Ukrainian community in Poland has actively participated in the process of Polish- Ukrainian dialogue and reconciliation. Tragically experienced due to the Polish-Ukrainian conflict during the Second World War and displacement to the Soviet Ukraine and within the “Vistula” Action, the majority of the community’s members understood that if they want to live in harmony with Polish neighbours, they should join the Polish-Ukrainian historical dialogue. Hence the initiatives and gestures of reconciliation, supporting the actions of the Polish and Ukrainian authorities in this direction and the hierarchies of churches in Poland and Ukraine. This dialogue, however, encountered resistance from Polish and Ukrainian nationalist circles, who blame the other side for the harm they suffered.

9

Toward the Idea of Polishness: Implications of 1918 for the Former Eastern Galicia, 1918–1939

61%

Wierzejska J.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

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2018

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vol. 62(4 (463))

71-94

EN

The paper analyzes the Polish literary discourse on the former Habsburg province of Galicia, developing after the restoration of Poland’s independence (1918) and the Polish victory in the Polish-Ukrainian War of Eastern Galicia (1918–1919). Before WWI, especially before the epoch of Galician autonomy (1867–1914), the prevailing discourse on the province was imbued by the idea of multi- and transnationalism grounded upon the Habsburg political culture. After the war, when Galicia became a part of the reborn Poland, the discourse pertaining to the region underwent a fundamental change. In the interwar Polish literature, the idea of multi- and transnational Galicia was a subject of specific transfers: sometimes in a continuative, usually, however, in a deconstructive version. Namely, it was disassembled and its components, referring to a revised political context, were ideologically used to strengthen the representation of reality from the exclusive, Polish point of view. The paper focuses on literary representations of the Polish-Ukrainian War of Eastern Galicia. It discusses the stages of the aforementioned disassemblement, from the idea of Polish-Ruthenian “brotherhood” to the vision of Polish-Polish brotherhood, i.e. the homogenous Polish nation, from which the Others (Ukrainians, Jews and Austrians), depicted as enemies, were excluded with no exception. Such a vision prevailed in the Polish literature up until 1939; it has also had its continuations nowadays.

10

Struktura narodowościowa ludności Polski

61%

Eberhardt P.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2008

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vol. 36

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issue 1

143-168

EN

The article presents the results of the census conducted in April 2002. It contains statistical information referring to the ethnic composition of Poland’s population and the languages used by Polish citizens. The results of the census have shown that 38,230,100 people live on the territory of Poland. The Polish nationality was declared by 36,983,700 people. Another ethnic option was chosen by 471,500 people, that is by 1.2% of the whole of the population of the country. Silesians proved to be the greatest minority (173,200), Germans (152,900), Belorussians (48,700) and Ukrainians (31,000). Other ethnic groups proved to be less numerous. The author offers an interpretation of the census results. He pays a special attention to the problem of the Silesian minority, that is not considered a national group by specialists. He shows that the group has been undergoing Polish and German influences for many centuries. Silesians have spoken Polish and they have been faithful to Catholicism. This connected them to Poland. However, on the other hand they have accepted German civilization-cultural patterns. In the next part of the article data referring to the language spoken by the citizens of Poland are presented. Also in this domain complete supremacy of the Polish language is found, as 97.8% of Poland’s population recognize Polish as the language they speak at home. The second most popular language turns out to be German (206,600 people – 0.5% of the country’s population). Other languages play a marginal role. The national data compared to the ethnic structure are a basis for a territorial analysis. The author has made an analysis of places particular ethnic group live in and referred them to territorial administration units of the province and common level. He has proven that the German population is concentrated in Opole Silesia, and the Belorussian population in Podlasie, in the area of the Białowieska Forest. The presented statistical information and their introductory interpretation have confirmed the well-known fact that Poland is a mono-ethnic country. The role of ethnic and language minorities is only slight. The ethnic and language conformity is also connected with Poland’s religious specificity. A predominant part of the citizens of Poland has traditional bonds with Catholicism.

11

Stosunek Polaków do uchodźców w kontekście wojny w Ukrainie

61%

Maciejewska-Mieszkowska K.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2022

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issue 4

137-153

EN

Escalation of the war in Ukraine in February 2022 caused a migration of refugees, the scale of which was the largest in Europe since the end of World War II. The biggest number of refugees crossed the border with Poland and received huge, spontaneous, and comprehensive support and assistance from Poles. It is remarkable that this reaction was fundamentally different from the previous declarations of Poles about accepting immigrants and granting them refugee status. The article aims to indicate the factors which influenced the attitudes of Poles towards refugees from Ukraine and forms of support provided to them. The adopted research hypothesis assumes that the attitude of Poles to receiving refugees from Ukraine was influenced by: making the threat to Poland’s security more realistic as a result of the escalation of the conflict in Ukraine to a full-scale war; positive perception of refugees from Ukraine as people in need of support and culturally close, whose presence does not threaten the safety of Polish society. In order to verify the hypothesis, the following research methods were used: descriptive method, stagnant data analysis, comparative method, and statistical method.

PL

Eskalacja wojny w Ukrainie w lutym 2022 r. spowodowała migrację uchodźców, której skala w Europie była największa od zakończenia II wojny światowej. Największa liczba uchodźców przekroczyła granicę z Polską i spotkała się z ogromnym, spontanicznym oraz wszechstronnym wsparciem i pomocą Polaków. Znamienne jest, że reakcja ta zasadniczo różniła się od dotychczasowych deklaracji Polaków w zakresie przyjmowania imigrantów i udzielania im statusu uchodźcy. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie czynników, które wpłynęły na stosunek Polaków do uchodźców z Ukrainy oraz form udzielanego im wsparcia. Przyjęta hipoteza badawcza zakłada, że na stosunek Polaków do przyjmowania uchodźców z Ukrainy wpłynęły: urealnienie zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa Polski w wyniku eskalacji konfliktu w Ukrainie do pełnowymiarowej wojny; pozytywne postrzeganie uchodźców z Ukrainy jako osób potrzebujących wsparcia, bliskich kulturowo, których obecność nie zagraża bezpieczeństwu społeczeństwa. W celu zweryfikowania postawionej hipotezy zastosowano następujące metody badawcze: opisową, analizę danych zastanych, porównawczą oraz statystyczną.

12

Eskalacja wojny w Ukrainie jako czynnik determinujący poczucie zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa Polski w ocenie społecznej

61%

Maciejewska-Mieszkowska K.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2023

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issue 2

217-236

EN

The hybrid war which began in 2014 with Russia’s aggression against Ukraine became a turning point for the assessment of the threat to Poland’s security. Its con sequences, with the annexation of Crimea and the seisure of south-eastern Ukraine, and then the escalation of the conflict into a full-scale war, had a fundamental impact on the involvement of Poles in helping Ukraine. The aim of the article is to show the evolution of Poles’ opinions regarding Poland’s security and the related support for Ukraine as a result of the escalation of the war in 2014 and 2022. It was assumed as a hypothesis that Russia’s full-scale attack on Ukraine, which increased a sense of threat to Poland’s security among Poles, translated into increased public support for tightening restrictions in relations with Russia and deepening assistance to Ukraine. As part of the research analysis, the following methods were used: descriptive, comparative and the analysis of exisiting data.

PL

Wojna hybrydowa, od której rozpoczęła się w 2014 r. agresja Rosji na Ukrainę stała się punktem zwrotnym w ocenie zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa Polski. Jej konsekwencje, z aneksją Krymu i zajęciem południowo-wschodnich terenów Ukrainy na czele, a następnie eskalacja konfliktu do pełnowymiarowej wojny wpłynęły zasadniczo na zaangażowanie się Polaków w pomoc Ukrainie. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie ewolucji opinii Polaków w zakresie bezpieczeństwa Polski i związanego z tym wsparcia Ukrainy w wyniku eskalacji wojny w 2014 r. i 2022 r. Jako hipotezę przyjęto, że pełnowymiarowy atak Rosji na Ukrainę, który spowodował wśród Polaków wzrost poczucia zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa Polski przełożył się na społeczny wzrost poparcia dla zaostrzenia ograniczeń w relacjach z Rosją i pogłębienia pomocy Ukrainie. W ramach analizy badawczej zastosowane zostały następujące metody: opisowa, porównawcza oraz analiza danych zastanych.

13

Dwuetniczność międzywojennej Warszawy w świetle wyników wyborów

57%

Kowalski M.

Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej

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2018

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vol. 7

71-91

EN

The results of the elections, including their spatial diversity, are very often influenced by the cultural diversity of voters. This is clearly visible in Poland during the interwar period (1918-1939). This shows, among other, the study of J. Kopstein and J. Wittenberg (2000). Poles voted for nationwide parties with different ideological features. Members of ethnic minorities choosing parties emphasizing their ethnicity. The only grouping that fully broke the ethnic divide were the Communists, who were voted on by both Polish and Jewish voters. This is also confirmed in the case of election results in Warsaw, a city inhabited by Poles (70%) and Jews (30%). It was a rule that about 75-80% of Warsaw voters voted for the nationwide parties and the remaining 20-25% for the Jewish parties. However, the analysis of the Warsaw elections does not confirm the thesis of J. Kopstein and J. Wittenberg (2000) that the Poles voted ideologically, while the Jews voted for the parties representing the Jews as a minority. Jewish parties also had a differentiated ideological image with the Left, the Right and the Center. Taking into account this diversity, it makes possible to see that Jewish voters expressed greater sympathy for the left-wing parties (Bund, the Communists and Poale Zion) than Poles (Polish Socialist Party, the Communists). At the end of the 1930s, the leftist sympathies were particularly prominent among the Jews. In the elections to the city council of Warsaw in 1938, the left among the Jewish parties won 2/3 votes (the Bund and Poale Zion), while among the national groups only 1/3 (Polish Socialist Party). On the other hand, Kopstein and Wittenberg argue that Jews were not the main source of communist influence in Poland. Support for candidates of this political option in Warsaw, both among Poles as Jews, reached a maximum of 17% (in 1927). Earlier and later support in both communities was lower. At most it may be noted that in the case of Jews before 1927 it was lower than among Poles, while after 1927 higher. Kopstein and Wittenberg are right that the Jews were not the main base of communist influence in Poland. Support for candidates of this political option in Warsaw, both among Poles and Jews, reached a maximum of 17% in 1927. Earlier and later support was lower. In the case of Jews before 1927 it was lower than among Poles, while after 1927 higher.Spatial segregation, both ethnically and socially, has resulted in a strong spatial variation in the results of the elections. The Polish right was dominant in the central districts of the city, the Polish left in the suburbs. The exceptions from this regularity were North Districts (Muranów, Powązki, Grzybów) and part of Praga, where the Jewish parties dominated. The largest concentration of Jewish voters was the Northern District. In its eastern part the Jewish right won, in its western part the Jewish Left and the Communists. Jews were not the main base of influence of Communists in Poland, however, certain circumstances allow to understand why such a stereotype appeared. At least in the case of Warsaw, though perhaps also on a nationwide scale, the Jews showed more sympathy for the left than the Polish voters. In addition, the proportion of Jews among the members of the Communist Party (about 25%), and especially in the authorities of this party (30-50%), was higher than their share in the whole population (10%). Jews also often cooperated with the Polish left to oppose the influence of the nationalist Polish right. For the latter, the identification of the left with the Jews and Jews with the left was a very comfortable argument in the political struggle.

PL

Na wyniki wyborów, w tym ich zróżnicowanie przestrzenne, bardzo często wpływa różnorodność kulturowa wyborców. Widać to wyraźnie w Polsce w okresie międzywojennym. Potwierdzają to również wyniki wyborów w Warszawie – mieście zamieszkiwanym przez Polaków (70%) i Żydów (30%). Polacy głosowali na ogólnopolskie partie o różnych cechach ideologicznych, członkowie mniejszości etnicznych wybierali natomiast partie podkreślające ich pochodzenie. Partie żydowskie miały także zróżnicowany wizerunek ideologiczny, choć można dostrzec, że żydowscy wyborcy wyrażali większą sympatię dla partii lewicowych niż Polacy, aby przeciwstawić się wpływowi nacjonalistycznej prawicy. Jedynym ugrupowaniem, które w pełni przełamało podziały etniczne, byli komuniści. Segregacja przestrzenna, zarówno etniczna, jak i społeczna, spowodowała silne zróżnicowanie wyników wyborów. Polska prawica dominowała w centralnych dzielnicach miasta, polska lewica – na suburbiach. Wyjątkami od tej regularności były dzielnice północne (Muranów, Powązki, Grzybów) i część Pragi, gdzie dominowały partie żydowskie. Największą koncentracją wyborców żydowskich był okręg północny. W jego wschodniej części wygrywała prawica żydowska, w zachodniej części – żydowska lewica i komuniści.

14

Działalność organizacyjna mniejszości polskiej na Łotwie (dawne Inflanty Polskie)

57%

Leśniewska-Napierała K.

Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej

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2016

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vol. 5

191-208

EN

Polish Livonia is the most culturally diverse region in Latvia. Many organizations which work here, they try to uphold the traditions of national minorities. In the article discusses the organizational activities of the Polish minority in Latgale region. The study also shows the educational activities of Poles in the Republic of Latvia. In the research used a sociological method of in-depth interviews with the leaders of Polish organizations. The purpose of the interviews was to know the opinion of the most active and the most competent group of activists.

PL

Inflanty Polskie stanowią najbardziej zróżnicowany kulturowo region Łotwy. Działa tu wiele organizacji, starających się podtrzymać tradycje mniejszości narodowych. W artykule omówiono działalność organizacyjną mniejszości polskiej w Łatgalii. Ukazano także działalność oświatową Polaków w Republice Łotewskiej. W badaniach wykorzystano socjologiczną metodę wywiadów pogłębionych z liderami organizacji polskich. Celem wywiadów było poznanie opinii najaktywniejszej, a jednocześnie najbardziej kompetentnej grupy działaczy.

15

Mikrohistoria o wielkiej sprawie. Kilka uwag i refleksji po lekturze

51%

Chrobaczyński J.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2017

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vol. 4

194-202

PL

Monika Sznajderman’s book, reminiscent of a strange title, is a family saga devoted to Polish-Jewish and Jewish-Polish relations. The micro (family) perspective is only a starting point and point of reference for the analysis of phenomena with a much broader horizon of problems – economy, social, political or cultural relations, where family relations, named by name and surname, remain the essential context. The two most important epochs of these relations are clearly stressed in this work – interwar, war and ccupation (the Holocaust). The author, the next generation, but also a great writer, with great talent, but also the insight of the gaze, analyzes difficult issues – semitism and anti-Semitism, wealth and poverty, attitudes and behaviors, difficult relationships. The title “pepper” is obviously the subject of trade, but also a contribution to hard work, solid education, existential reality, undoubtedly also wealth. Great reading not only for experts in Polish-Jewish and Jewish-Polish relations (this is not the same in my opinion), but also for those interested. Great language, many interesting, not easy, also for the author, threads.

16

Udział Polaków w formowaniu południowoafrykańskiej Kolonii Przylądkowej

51%

Kowalski M., Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN

Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej

|

2014

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vol. 3

EN

The contribution of Poles to colonization and development of the Cape Colony is not commonly known. Yet, Poles have been appearing in this colony since its very inception (1652). During the entire period here considered this presence of Poles was the outcome of the strong economic ties linking Poland with the Netherlands. At the end of this period an increase took place of their share, in connection with the presence of numerous alien military units on the territory of the Colony, Poles having served in such units. Numerous newcomers from Poland settled in South Africa for good, established families, and their progeny made up the local society. In 1814 Cape Colony became in formal terms a part of the British Empire (while being under British occupation since 1806). This, however, did not hamper the inflow of immigrants from Poland. In the majority of cases they also melted into the Afrikaner society. An especially important group, together with emigrants from Germany, came during the decades of 1850s, 1860s and 1870s. Poles were very often involved in the pioneering undertakings within the far-off fringes of the Colony. Jan Liske took part in the expedition to Namaqualand, Michiel Kowalski and four other emigrants from Poland – in the expedition to Cobuquas people, Stephanos gained fame as a humbug and false missionary among the Nama and Griqua peoples, Jan Michiel Sowiecki settled the eastern borderland of the Colony and remained in close relations with the Boer pioneer and rebel Conraad de Buys, Jan Latsky became the pioneer of the European colonization of the High Karoo. This concerned also the later Polish settlers – even those from the second half of the 19th century – like, for instance, Ankiewicz, Mendelski, Szukała, Waberski – many of whom settled within the eastern borderland of the Colony in the British Caffraria. In an indirect manner the participation of Poles in the extension of the boundaries of the Colony is perceived by R. Shell in the article The Forgotten Factor in Cape Colonial Frontier Expansion, 1658 to 1817. In his opinion, “all we may conclude is that it was the Cowalskys [Kowalskis] of this world rather than the Van der Merwes who opened up the frontier in this early period”. The evidence for this phenomenon is provided by the present-day Afrikaner families of, for instance, Ankiewicz, Aproskie, Beirowski, Drotsky, Hohowsky, Jankowitz, Jewaskiewitz, Kitshoff, Kolesky, Latsky, Masuriek, Troskie, Waberski, Zowitsky, and others. Quite superficial estimation implies that the settlers coming from Poland could make up a bit over 1% of the ancestors of the present-day Afrikaners.

PL

Udział Polaków w kolonizowaniu i zagospodarowywaniu Kolonii Przylądkowej nie jest powszechnie znany. Tymczasem Polacy pojawiali się w niej od samego początku jej istnienia (1652 r.). Przez prawie cały badany okres obecność ta była wynikiem silnych więzów gospodarczych wiążących Polskę z Niderlandami. Pod koniec tego okresu nastą-pił wzrost ich udziału w związku z obecnością w Kolonii licznych obcych jednostek wojskowych, w których służyli Polacy. Wielu przybyszów z Polski osiedliło się w Po-łudniowej Afryce na stałe, założyło rodziny, a ich potomstwo weszło w skład miejsco-wego społeczeństwa. Pod panowaniem brytyjskim, w wyniku dwóch fal kolonizacji, osiedlili się kolejni przybysze z Polski, niejednokrotnie przybywając całymi rodzinami. Świadectwem tego zjawiska są dzisiejsze rodziny afrykanerskie: Ankiewicz, Aproskie, Beirowski, Drotsky, Hohowsky, Jankowitz, Jewaskiewitz, Kitshoff, Kolesky, Latsky, Masuriek, Troskie, Waberski, Zowitsky itd. Pobieżne obliczenia wskazują, że osadnicy z Polski stanowili nieco ponad 1% przodków dzisiejszych Afrykanerów. Polacy brali również udział w pionierskich przedsięwzięciach na odległych pograniczach Kolonii, w tym w wyprawie łupieżczo-handlowej z 1702 r.

17

Stosunek państwa łotewskiego do miejscowych Polaków i Białorusinów w początkach niepodległości łotewskiej

51%

Gierowska-Kałłaur J.

Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2011

|

vol. 46

18

Społeczność polska w Wiedniu w twórczości Radka Knappa

51%

Romejko A.

Studia Gdańskie

|

2021

|

vol. 48

197-214

EN

Numerous scientific studies have been devoted to the Polish community abroad. However, they reach a small group of scientists. Literature is an opportunity to present this issue to a wider audience. When it comes to Poles in Vienna, Radek Knapp, born in 1964 in Warsaw, stands out. At the age of 12, he left for the Austrian capital, where his mother lived. He presents the city and its inhabitants by reaching for a specific sense of humour, using abundantly from personal professional experience. Vienna is commonly perceived as one of the most wonderful places in the world. Everyday life shows that things are more complicated. Knapp emphasizes that despite the shortcomings of this city, he likes it and feels good there. Poles and other immigrants also feel comfortable there.

PL

Społeczności polskiej za granicą poświęcono liczne opracowania naukowe. Docierają one jednak do wąskiej grupy uczonych. Sposobnością do zaprezentowania tej kwestii szerszemu gronu czytelników jest twórczość literacka. W odniesieniu do Polaków w Wiedniu wyróżnia się urodzony w 1964 r. w Warszawie Radek Knapp. W wieku 12 lat wyjechał do stolicy Austrii, gdzie zamieszkiwała jego matka. Miasto to i jego mieszkańców prezentuje on, sięgając po specyficzne poczucie humoru, korzystając obficie z osobistych doświadczeń zawodowych. W popularnym odbiorze Wiedeń jawi się jako jedno z najwspanialszych miejsc na świecie. Codzienność pokazuje, że sprawy są bardziej skomplikowane. Knapp podkreśla, że pomimo wad tego miasta on je lubi i się w nim dobrze czuje. Dobrze się w nim również czują Polacy i inni imigranci.

19

Stockpiling during the Coronavirus Pandemic versus the Security of Poles

51%

Stochaj J., Moch N., Jagusiak B.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2022

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vol. 76

149-169

PL

Artykuł został poświęcony ocenie zachowań konsumentów po wybuchu epidemii koronawirusa, zwłaszcza w zakresie gromadzenia zapasów, a także wpływowi tych zachowań na bezpieczeństwo Polaków. W artykule dokonano przeglądu piśmiennictwa. Następnie przedstawiono metodologię badań, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem zastosowanej metodyki badawczej, wskazaniem napotkanych ograniczeń badań, a także charakterystyki respondentów. Kolejno przedstawiono ogólne rekomendacje w zakresie gromadzonych zapasów. Rekomendacje te zostały zestawione z zaleceniami polskiego rządu w tym zakresie. Autorka przedstawiła rezultaty przeprowadzonego badania empirycznego z wykorzystaniem techniki ankiety. Wyniki badań podzielono na cztery kategorie, w których opisano: częstotliwość robionych zakupów, ilość kupowanych produktów, zakupy nowych produktów, a także przyczyny gromadzenia zapasów. W oparciu o powyższe elementy przeprowadzono dyskusję i w jej efekcie wypracowano rekomendacje.

EN

The article is devoted to assessing consumers’ behaviors, particularly in terms of stockpiling, after the coronavirus outbreak, as well as their impact on the security of Poles. Firstly, the paper reviews the literature. Then the research methodology was presented, with particular emphasis on the research methodology used, indication of the encountered limitations of the research, as well as characteristics of the respondents. General recommendations on stockpiles are then presented. These recommendations have been juxtaposed with those of the Polish government in this area. Then the author presented the results of the empirical research conducted using the survey technique. The results of the research were divided into four categories, which describe: the frequency of purchases, the quantity of products purchased, purchases of new products, and the reasons for stockpiling. Based on the above elements, a discussion was held, and recommendations were developed as a result.

20

Obraz medialny Polaków mieszkających w Wiedniu w przekazie Austriackiej Rozgłośni Radiowo-Telewizyjnej (ORF)

51%

Romejko A.

Studia Gdańskie

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2019

|

issue 44

225-244

PL

Na tle krajów zachodnich Austria wyróżnia się zmonopolizowaniem i upartyjnieniem mediów audiowizualnych. Dostrzegają to obywatele, określając prześmiewczo głównego nadawcę radiowo-telewizyjnego (ORF) mianem Rotfunk, tj. Czerwonej Rozgłośni. Odbija się w tym praktyka zatrudniania, szczególnie na wysokich stanowiskach, osób związanych z ugrupowaniem socjaldemokratycznym. Temat Polaków zamieszkujących w Wiedniu nie pojawia się w ORF zbyt często. Potwierdza to fakt, że Polacy są dobrze zintegrowani w austriackiej stolicy. Ponieważ w mediach dobrze „sprzedaje się” to, co negatywne, patologiczne, więc brak odniesień do Polaków stanowi powód do zadowolenia. Od czasu do czasu prezentuje się Polaków wbijających się w świecie kultury, sztuki i gospodarki. Pojawiają się także postaci negatywne – osoby dopuszczające się przestępstw.

EN

Among western countries, Austria stands out in its monopoly by state and political parties of audio-visual media. This is perceived by the citizens, who make a mockery of the main radio and television broadcaster (ORF), describing it as Rotfunk, i.e. the Red Broadcaster. This reflects the practice of employing persons associated with the social democratic party in high positions. The issue of Poles living in Vienna does not appear too often in the ORF. This is confirmed by the fact that Poles are well integrated in the Austrian capital. Because the media are “selling” what is negative, pathological, the lack of references to Poles is a reason for satisfaction. From time to time, Poles appear as people of success in the world of culture, art and economy. There are also negative references, to Poles who commit offences.

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