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EN
During the first three months after the liberation of the Częstochowa district by the Red Army the structures of the Polish Socialist Party were rebuilt. Its completion was achieved by the time the first town and district congress of PSP took place on 29th April 1945. The function of the provisional town and district president of PSP was entrusted to Jan Kaźmierczak. The socialists from Częstochowa assumed several important positions in the civil service ,e.g. Bronisław Federak became the vice president of Częstochowa and Ferdynand Szmidla was appointed the president of the Municipal National Council. Two parties competed for the influence in the working class community – Polish Workers’ Party and Polish Socialist Party. Due to this political competition some conflicts between these parties arose. One of them became especially conspicuous after the comunists’ loss in the elections to the works councils. However, the mutual antagonism between the two parties abated in connection with the referendum and elections to the Legislative Sejm as . Both parties cooperated with each other in the propaganda actions. After the communists’ win in the Legislative Sejm elections, they started the stage of assuming control over PSP. Their methods included organization of meetings for the activists of both parties during which , those PSP members who were against the communists’ politics were eliminated, often with the help of Secret Service executing frequent arrests. The main goal of all these intimidating actions was to weaken PSP by forcing the socialists to join the Polish Workers’ Party. The decision concerning such a strategy was made during the meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Polish Workers’ Party on 6th March 1948 and it was fulfilled in the middle of December 1948 during the Unification Congress when The Polish United Workers' Party was established.
EN
This article attempts to present the main elements of Poland’s interwar Socialist interpretation of Marxism and its theoretical heritage. The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) in the interwar period was a rather pragmatic party, but had defined itself as strictly Marxist. In the view of party leaders, the core of Marxism was the theory of historical materialism which they considered as a theory explaining the process of social change. They interpreted Marxism in a scientistic way as the best method of social research, devoid of ontological theses and claims; they were convinced that philosophical materialism is not an integral part of Marxism. Poland’s interwar Socialist interpretation of Marx’s heritage was not highly sophisticated; this was typical of the party members of the Labour and Socialist International (Sozialistische Arbeiter-Internationale). The main theoretical authorities for Polish socialists were at that time Karl Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Max Adler. The type of Marxism represented by these thinkers was an important source of the Polish Socialist Party’s political thought in the interwar period.
PL
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna była jedną z najpoważniejszych sił politycznych II Rzeczypospolitej. Stanowiła integralną część systemu politycznego państwa, wobec tego w taktyce postępowania jej liderów pierwiastki pragmatyczne dominowały nad wiernością wobec ideologicznej ortodoksji. PPS definiowała się jako partia marksistowska. W opinii polskich socjalistów rdzeniem marksizmu była teoria materializmu historycznego, traktowana jako metoda badawcza służąca przede wszystkim do wyjaśniania procesu zmiany społecznej. Ich interpretacja marksizmu była w specyficzny sposób scjentystyczna. Zdaniem polskich socjalistów, filozoficzny materializm nie stanowił integralnej części marksizmu. Ten sposób interpretacji tradycji marksistowskiej był dość typowy dla partii zrzeszonych wówczas w Socjalistycznej Międzynarodówce Robotniczej (Sozialistische Arbeiter-Internationale). W środowisku pepeesowskim najwyżej ceniono takich teoretyków, jak Karl Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Max Adler i in. Zaczerpnięte od nich koncepcje stanowiły istotny element myśli politycznej międzywojennej PPS.
XX
The publication discusses the Polish Socialist Party's (PPS) attitude to Gypsies and the Gypsy question in the interwar period from 1918 to 1939. An extensive search of the PPS press, including around 1600 articles on the Gypsy population, has shown that this issue also interested the PPS. However, the socialists had a decidedly negative attitude to Gypsies. This was conditioned by the fact that the party found itself in opposition to the government camp, which supported the aspirations of Gypsy kings from the Kwiek clan, and it was with them that the PPS identified Gypsies. Secondly, the strong ideologization of the party's press, based among other things on the cult of work, led to a rejection of the lifestyle of the majority of Gypsies, who represented a nomadic and semi-nomadic culture of life.
4
75%
EN
The article presents the activities of Poles connected with the Polish Socialist Party in the British capital at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. In the discussed period London was an important center where leading representatives of the PPS stayed in exile. They developed pro-independence activity there, printed considerable amounts of illegal press and pro-independence publications, obtained funds for PPS activity in the country, and established contacts with socialist circles from other parts of Europe and the world. Such figures as Witold Jodko-Narkiewicz, Bolesław Antoni Jędrzejowski, Aleksander Dębski, Stanisław Mendelson, Tytus Filipowicz, Leon Wasilewski or Stanisław Wojciechowski were associated with London for many years. Józef Piłsudski also visited the city several times, and it was in London that he based the implementation of his daring plan to create the Polish Legions in distant Japan.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia działalność Polaków związanych z Polską Partią Socjalistyczną w stolicy Wielkiej Brytanii na przełomie XIX i XX wieku. W omawianym okresie Londyn był ważnym ośrodkiem, w którym przebywali czołowi przedstawiciele PPS pozostający na emigracji. Rozwijano tam działalność niepodległościową, drukowano znaczące ilości nielegalnej prasy i wydawnictw niepodległościowych, pozyskiwano środki na funkcjonowanie PPS w kraju oraz nawiązywano kontakty ze środowiskami socjalistów z innych części Europy i świata. Z Londynem przez wiele lat związane były takie postacie, jak Witold Jodko-Narkiewicz, Bolesław Antoni Jędrzejowski, Aleksander Dębski, Stanisław Mendelson, Tytus Filipowicz, Leon Wasilewski czy Stanisław Wojciechowski. Kilkakrotnie bywał tu także Józef Piłsudski, który właśnie na Londynie opierał realizację swojego śmiałego planu stworzenia Legionów Polskich w odległej Japonii. 
EN
The article presents the results of historical and bibliological research, the aim of which is to reconstruct the history of the “Ignis” Publishing Society established by the Polish Socialist Party. The first part of the study presents the history of the publishing house reconstructed on the basis of scientific studies, memoirs and archival materials, as well as the compactness of the interwar press - bookselling and socio-cultural. The second part contains the results of quantitative and qualitative (structural) analysis of the publishing repertoire. This study is the first one in a series devoted to the activities of the PPS publishing house.
EN
The article presents the results of historical and bibliological research, which objective is to reconstruct the history of the Ignis publishing society established by the Polish Socialist Party (PPS). The rfist part of the study presents the history of the publishing house reconstructed on the basis of scientific studies, memoirs, and archival materials, as well as the compactness of the bookselling and socio-cultural press in the interwar period. The second part contains the results of quantitative and qualitative (structural) analysis of the publishing repertoire. This study is the first in a series devoted to the activities of the PPS publishing house.
EN
The years 1947-1948 were the period of intensive actions, which aim was to unify the Polish Workers' Party (Polish: Polska Partia Robotnicza, PPR) with the Polish Socialist Party (Polish: Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, PPS) and which the coping stone was the Unification Congress that was held from December 15th to December 21st, 1948. At this meeting the common organisation emerged under the name the Polish United Workers' Party (Polish: Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza, PZPR). The whole operation was carried out under a communist diktat, who took actions to weaken PPS through elimination of the internal opposition, implementation of submissive people to the management of the party, and absorption by PPR. The purpose of this article is to present the organization state of PPR and PPS in the period between 1947 and 1948, the interparty cooperation and the establishment of county structures of PZPR.
EN
Marian Pryliński was born in Włocławek or Sompolno in 1871. He was a member of the Polish Socialist Party - Revolutionary Faction. He ran a secret warehouse of weapons, explosives and the underground press in Dąbie. Arrested by the Russian authorities, was exiled to Siberia in 1914. He returned to Poland in 1922 and settled in Łęczyca. He was actively involved in social and economic life of the city. Today he remains a completely forgotten figure.
PL
Marian Pryliński urodził się we Włocławku lub Sompolnie w marcu 1871 r. Był członkiem Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej – Frakcji Rewolucyjnej. Prowadził w Dąbiu tajny magazyn broni, materiałów wybuchowych i prasy konspiracyjnej. Aresztowany przez władze carskie został zesłany na Syberię w 1914 r. Powrócił do kraju w 1922 r. i zamieszkał w Łęczycy. Czynnie włączył się w życie społeczne i gospodarcze miasta. Dziś pozostaje postacią zupełnie zapomnianą.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2021
|
vol. 53
|
issue 2
203-215
EN
This review article discusses an edition of documents concerning the attitude of the interwar Polish Socialist Party (PPS) to the communist movement. The reviewed work is an ambitious undertaking, but it has many weaknesses resulting from, among other things, the method of selecting documents or the perspective adopted in the introduction. Therefore, it can be considered at best as an introduction to further research on this issue, and not a comprehensive and multidimensional picture of relations between the PPS and the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (KPRP)/Communist Party of Poland (KPP).
PL
Niniejszy artykuł recenzyjny omawia edycję dokumentów dotyczącą stosunku międzywojennej PPS do ruchu komunistycznego. Recenzowana praca stanowi przedsięwzięcie ambitne, lecz ma wiele słabości, związanych m.in. ze sposobem doboru dokumentów czy perspektywą przyjętą we wstępie. Wobec tego można ją uznać co najwyżej za wstęp do dalszych badań nad tą problematyką, a nie całościowy i wielowymiarowy obraz stosunków pomiędzy PPS a KPRP/KPP.
PL
Istotnym elementem dorobku publicystycznego Adama Ciołkosza jest jego spuścizna epistolograficzna, która liczy kilka tysięcy listów. Szczególne miejsce zajmuje w niej korespondencja z Janem Nowakiem-Jeziorańskim prowadzona w latach 1946–1975, licząca 269 listów. Ciołkosz był jednym z najważniejszych publicystów politycznych Rozgłośni Polskiej RWE, szczególnie cenionym przez Nowaka. Korespondencja daje wiele dowodów na to, jak ważne miejsce zajmował na mapie sojuszników i przyjaciół Nowaka.
EN
A significant element of Ciołkosz’s journalistic achievement is his epistolographic legacy, which comprises of several thousand letters. This includes correspondence – 269 letters – with Jan Nowak-Jeziorański, from the years 1946–1975. Ciołkosz was one of the most prominent political publicists of the Polish service of RFE, particularly valued by NowakJeziorański. The correspondence provides significant evidence that Ciołkosz was one of the biggest friends and allies of Nowak-Jeziorański.
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PL
The aim of the article is to recall and present the political and intellectual figure of J. Hochfeld (1911–1966) against the background of the contemporary – often ahistorical – attempts to reconstruct historical memory in Poland, totally condemning the period of the Polish People’s Republic. My objective is to use the example of J. Hochfeld to demonstrate the complexity of lives and choices of those who as the members of the non-communist left were active in the interwar period, during World War II and the Polish People’s Republic. This article also presents Hochfeld’s theoretical organizational contribution to the development of the Polish post-war sociology, as well as topicality of the issues he tackled, e.g. political sociology, the contemporaneity of the idea of historical materialism and social-democratic socialism.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the standpoints of the Polish Socialist Party against the May coup d’Etat in 1926. The paper brings close the actual influence of socialists and dependent on trade unions within the preparation and course on the May coup d’Etat 1926. The author analyses the role and influence of the socialist past of Marshal Jozef Pilsudski in obtaining the support of the leftist forces in the decisive moments of the 1926 coup d’Etat. The article contains a comparative analysis of the political postulates of the Polish Socialist Party as well as the actions taken by the leading groupings aimed at carrying out political and system reforms in the Second Polish Republic. It was shown that the concept of Polish socialists, adopted at the beginning of the 1920s, consisting of achieving program objectives through gradual and non-revolutionary socio-political reforms, paradoxically was abandoned in 1926 in favour of solutions characteristic for revolutionary groups.
PL
Artykuł jest próbą dokonania szkicu biograficznego Teofila Głowackiego (1906–1971), w okresie dwudziestolecia międzywojennego działacza PPS i KPP, związkowca i publicysty, w czasie wojny członka redakcji „Sztandaru Wolności” w Mińsku, a następnie uczestnika konspiracji lewicowo-socjalistycznej i założyciela Centralnego Komitetu Ludowego, a po wojnie dziennikarza, więźnia politycznego, posła dwóch kadencji Sejmu PRL, a następnie zastępcy redaktora naczelnego „Expressu Wieczornego”. Artykuł jest zarazem próbą uzupełnienia historii polskiej konspiracji w czasie II wojny światowej spoza głównego nurtu.
EN
The article presents a biographical portrait of Teofil Głowacki (1906–1971), in the interwar period, an activist of the PPS and KPP, a trade unionist and publicist, during the Second World War a member of the editorial office of „Sztandar Wolności” in Minsk, and then a participant in the left-socialist conspiracy and the founder of the Central Committee After the war. He was a journalist, a political prisoner, an MP for two terms in the parliament of the People’s Republic of Poland, and the deputy editor-in-chief of „Express Wieczorny”. The article is also an attempt to supplement the history of the Polish conspiracy during World War II from outside the leading current.
EN
In the early years of Communist rule in Poland sport was not crucial for the emerging communist government. Legal reformation of that significant to an average citizen issue was not in the area of interest of either Polish Workers' Party, or of Polish Socialist Party. It was only after the latter party started to prevail that a breakthrough was finally made. Political wrangling of two parties' leaders - manifested in gross negligence and lack of consistency in action - caused further deterioration of the situation. Appointment of successive temporary posts, whose responsibilities - though seemingly clear - were not fulfilled, caused new problems. It would seem that the overriding goal of the authorities (apart from internal struggle) was to please the Soviet Union at all costs. Due to that, the situation of sport in Poland was not improved until 1948, despite several attempts.
EN
The licensed Polish Socialist Party (PPS) was active from September 1944 until its “reunification” with the Polish Workers’ Party in December 1948. According to the official propaganda narrative, the “Lublin” PPS was an independent party, having influence in the state apparatus, and it was concerned with the fate of the workers. It also made reference to the traditions (continuation) of the party established in 1892. The article presents the activity of this party from the point of view of the representatives of the authentic PPS in exile. One of them was the newspaper “Robotnik Polski w Wielkiej Brytanii” [Polish Worker in Great Britain], published in London and headed by Adam Ciołkosz, and the monthly “Światło” [Light], published in Paris by Editor-in-Chief Zygmunt Zaremba. The text discusses the history and authenticity of the “Lublin” PPS, its actual relations with the Polish Workers’ Party, the influence of this group in the state apparatus, intraparty differences and relations with western European parties.
PL
Koncesjonowana Polska Partia Socjalistyczna funkcjonowała od września 1944 r. do „zjednoczenia” z Polską Partią Robotniczą w grudniu 1948 r. W oficjalnej, propagandowej narracji „lubelska” PPS była partią samodzielną, posiadającą wpływy w aparacie państwowym, zatroskaną o los środowisk robotniczych. Powoływano się także na kontynuowanie tradycji ugrupowania założonego w 1892 r. W artykule została przedstawiona działalność tej partii z punktu widzenia emigracyjnych przedstawicieli autentycznej PPS. Jednym z nich był „Robotnik Polski w Wielkiej Brytanii”, wydawany w Londynie, na czele którego stał Adam Ciołkosz, oraz miesięcznik „Światło” wydawany w Paryżu przez redaktora naczelnego Zygmunta Zarembę. W tekście przedstawiono kwestie historii i autentyczności „lubelskiej” PPS, ich rzeczywistych relacji z Polską Partią Robotniczą, wpływu ugrupowania w aparacie państwowym, różnic wewnątrzpartyjnych oraz relacji z partiami zachodniej Europy.
EN
This text describes the genesis of the Provisional People's Government of the Republic of Poland, which was established in Lublin on the night of 6-7 November 1918. It details the incidents which took place in Lublin in the first days of November, but also broadly outlines the earlier events which made it possible to form the “Lublin Government”. The article also discusses the composition of the Government, headed at the time by Ignacy Daszyński, and its programme and postulates, and synthesises opinions on the role of the Government of Ignacy Daszyński in the further course of Polish history
RU
Текст раскрывает генезис создания Временного народного правительства Республики Польша, которое было создано в Люблине в ночь с 6 на 7 ноября 1918 г. В нем подробно представлены события, произошедшие в Люблине в первые дни ноября, а также в общих чертах описаны более ранние события, которые позволили сформировать «Люблинское правительство». В статье также рассматривается состав правительства во главе с Игнацием Дашиньским, его программа и постулаты, а также обобщаются мнения о роли правительства Дашиньского в дальнейшем ходе польской истории.
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