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PL
The article is an analysis of the attitude within the circles of the Italian Republic to Poland’s disarmament plans in 1958–69, that is the Rapacki Plan (1958) and the Gomułka Plan (1963). Drawing on Italian documents the author examines the attitude of the Italian government to these proposals. She presents the determinants and contexts of both proposals (the bipolar division of the world during the Cold War, Italy’s membership of NATO and subordination to Washington’s policy, the country’s economic and financial problems). The article also contains opinions on Moscow’s role in and attitude towards the Polish peace initiatives.
EN
The article aims at the presentation of the origins and beginnings of reading rooms: Italian, Austrian and French in the People’s Republic of Poland until the end of the 60s of the 20th century, in a broader context of bilateral relations of Poland with France, Italy, and Austria. That enabled the determination of controversial issues restraining a process of establishing these units, as well as historical context influencing this process. The findings were based on archival source materials and a few research studies.
EN
The article is an attempt at placing Operetka (Operetta) in the context of commedia dell’arte by comparing the basic structural and ideological characteristics of Witold Gombrowicz’s drama with the key traits of the commedia dell’arte genre. The author of Ferdydurke, who coined the phrase przyprawiać (komuś) gębę (put the screws to someone’s mug), brings to the grotesque distortion any manifestations of form domination both in life and in art. Ironically, it is the elements of Operetka, related to commedia dell’arte – a thoroughly conventionalised and schematised genre, that become the tool for a sort of removal of mask or mug. Given the mask, protagonists are given “a mug”, and cannot be themselves, they can only be what is allowed by the mask they were given and so they become its prisoner, in a way. The only antidote to “the mug” is nudity that frees one from any mask that forces them to play the designated roles. The article aims to present the relationship between Operetka and the commedia dell’arte genre, with particular emphasis on analysing the Gombrowicz’s concept of form against the convention of mask and costume in the commedia dell’arte, and on the “nudity” vs. “mask” opposition that focuses the drama’s main artistic and existential issues, while it is also precisely the point where the relationship between Gombrowicz’s work and Italian commedia dell’arte is seen most clearly.
PL
Po akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej otworzyły się nowe kierunki migracyjne dla Pola-ków (Wielka Brytania, Irlandia), atrakcyjne głównie ze względu na korzystną sytuację gospodarczą. Nadal jednak na mapie polskiej emigracji pozostały silnie zaznaczone „stare” szlaki, jak np. Włochy, w których pomimo trudnej sytuacji ekonomicznej i mało konkurencyjnej oferty rynku pracy liczba Polaków wzrastała. Zasadne wydaje się zatem pytanie o przyczynę popularności Włoch wśród poakcesyjnej emigracji Polaków. Za odpowiedź służy milenijna historia związków polsko-włoskich, która wytworzyła sprawnie działające sieci migracyjne i ukształtowała specyficzną polską tkankę społeczną we Włoszech, a szczególnie w Rzymie, będącą — mimo kryzysu — istotnym magnesem przyciągania dla nowych imigrantów z Polski.
EN
The accession of Poland to the European Union created new directions for Polish migrations, i.e. Great Britain and Ireland, which were attractive mainly for their positive economic indicators. Though, ‘the old' destination countries, like Italy, were still present on the migration map; surprisingly enough, despite a difficult economic situation in this country and its uncompetitive labour market, the number of incoming Poles continued to rise. Thus, it should be considered what underlies the popularity of Italy as a destination country among the Polish post-accession emigrants. The answer seems to arise from the millennium history of the Polish-Italian relations, which established an efficient migration network and a specific social tissue, in particular in Rome, that still, despite the crisis, operates as an attraction factor for the new immigrants from Poland.
EN
Stanisław Niegoszewski (1565–post-1600) was a prime example of a Renaissance man: he was a student at the universities of Krakow and Padua; a poet-improviser; an alchemist; a courtier of King Sigismund Vasa III; a diplomat; a devout follower of the Counter-Reformation; and a businessman. He divided his life between Poland and Italy, and his biography is known to us so fragmentarily that some scholars reconstruct his life based on instinct, assumptions, personal preference, or unfounded hypotheses. Henryk Barycz, the eminent scholar and author of entries in the Polish Biographical Dictionary, had divided the deeds and works of one Stanisław Niegoszewski into two different persons: “Stanisław Niegoszewski (Niegoszowski), coat of arms of Jastrzębiec (circa 1560–5 – circa 1588–90),” a student at the universities of Krakow and Padua and a poet-improviser, and “Stanisław Niegoszewski (Niegoszowski), coat of arms of Jastrzębiec (circa 1565–70 – after 1607),” an alchemist, courtier of King Sigismund Vasa III, diplomat, devout follower of the Counter- Reformation, and poet as well. Although Władysław Magnuszewski proved wrong Barycz’s theory about the existence of two Niegoszewskis nearly a half-century ago, the outdated theory is repeated by new generations of scholars again and again. This paper attempts to prove that all three sojourns in Padua of a certain Niegoszewski—as a student in 1582–1583, as an alchemist in 1585, and as a royal diplomat in 1594—belong to the same person. Based on new sources found in Italian archives and libraries in 2013, the biography of a single Stanisław Niegoszewski could be reconstructed with much more detail than before.
IT
Stanisław Niegoszewski (1565–post 1600), studente dell’Università di Cracovia e di quella di Padova, poeta-improvvisatore, alchimista, cortigiano di re Sigismondo III Vasa, diplomatico, fervente sostenitore della Controriforma ed uomo d’affari, fu uno dei primi esempi di uomo del Rinascimento. Egli trascorse la sua vita fra la Polonia e l’Italia. La sua biografia ci è nota in modo tanto frammentario che alcuni studiosi ricostruiscono la sua vita basandosi sull’istinto, presupposizioni, preferenze personali ed ipotesi infondate. Henryk Barycz, eminente ricercatore ed autore di varie voci del Dizionario Biografico Polacco, ha scisso le vicende e l’opera di Stanisław Niegoszewski in due persone differenti: ”Stanisław Niegoszewski (Niegoszowski), dello stemma di Jastrzębiec (1560–5 ca. – 1588–90 ca.)”, studente delle università di Cracovia e di Padova nonché poeta improvvisatore, e ”Stanisław Niegoszewski (Niegoszowski), dello stemma di Jastrzębiec (1565–70 ca. – post 1607)”, alchimista, cortigiano di re Sigismondo III Vasa, diplomatico, fervente sostenitore della Controriforma nonché poeta. Sebbene Władysław Magnuszewski abbia confutato la teoria di Barycz sull’esistenza di due Niegoszewski circa mezzo secolo fa, essa viene ribadita da sempre nuove generazioni di studiosi. In questo articolo mi sforzo di dimostrare che tutti e tre i soggiorni di Niegoszewski a Padova, come studente negli anni 1582–1583, come alchimista nel 1585 e in qualità di diplomatico reale nel 1594, riguardano la stessa persona. Sulla base delle nuove fonti da me rinvenute negli archivi e nelle biblioteche italiane nel 2013, la biografia di Stanisław Niegoszewski, lo stesso, è stata ricostruita con molti più dettagli di prima.
EN
The fact that Polish People’s Republic belonged to the Communist Bloc and was subordinated to Kremlin caused that initiatives taken by the Polish diplomacy had to be approved and coordinated by Moscow, and the changing and usually narrow field of activity did not leave much space for independence. An example of this was the attempt at starting cooperation between Poland (a member of the International Control Commission) and the Republic of Italy aimed at ending the Vietnam war in the years 1965–1967. Mutual diplomatic and political contacts between Warsaw and Rome were to enable Polish-Italian mediation between USA and Democratic Republic of Vietnam that could end the long-lasting Vietnam conflict. The lack of good will of both sides of the conflict as well as the lack of approval for the Polish-Italian initiative in this matter doomed it to failure despite the involvement of the politicians of PPR and Italy.
RU
Вхождение Польской Народной Республики в социалистический лагерь и ее подчинение Кремлю привело к тому, что инициативы, предпринятые польской дипломатией, должны были быть согласованы с Москвой и координированы ею, а нестабильное и, как правило, узкое поле деятельности не оставляло места самостоятельности. Примером тому была попытка наладить сотрудничество между Польшей (членом Межсоюзнической надзорной и контрольной комиссии) и Итальянской республикой с целью завершения вьетнамской войны в 1965–1967 гг. Взаимные дипломатические и политические отношения между Варшавой и Римом должны были обеспечить итальянско-польское посредничество между США и Демократической Республикой Вьетнам, которое должно было завершить многолетний вьетнамский конфликт. Из-за отсутствия доброй воли со стороны обеих сторон конфликта и отсутствия одобрения польско-итальянской инициативы в этом вопросе ситуация была обречена на поражение, несмотря на вовлеченность политиков ПНР и Италии.
PL
Przynależność PRL do obozu socjalistycznego oraz podporządkowanie Kremlowi sprawiły, iż inicjatywy podejmowane przez polską dyplomację musiały być uzgadniane i koordynowane z Moskwą, a zmienny i na ogół wąski margines działania nie pozostawiał wiele miejsca na samodzielność. Przykładem tego była próba nawiązania współpracy między Polską (członkiem Międzynarodowej Komisji Nadzoru i Kontroli) a Republiką Włoską w celu zakończenia wojny wietnamskiej w latach 1965–1967. Wzajemne kontakty dyplomatyczne i polityczne między Warszawą a Rzymem miały umożliwić włosko-polskie pośrednictwo między USA i DRW, które zakończyłoby długoletni konflikt wietnamski. Brak dobrej woli obydwu stron konfliktu oraz brak akceptacji dla polsko-włoskiej inicjatywy w tej kwestii skazały ją na fiasko mimo zaangażowania polityków PRL oraz Włoch.
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