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EN
1. The character of sociologist's comments concerning political matters: a) theoretical statements, b) recommendations concerning some activities in the field of social technology, c) ideological judgments/opinions. 2. The types of comments/statements made by sociologist's who carry out various social roles: a) statements of theoretical researchers' statements, b) journalists' comments/statements, c) statements/comments of decision-makers, technicians of poli¬tical engineering or political activists. 3. People assessing the reliability of sociologist's comments on political matters and the criteria used by them. 4. Problems of sociologist's comments on politics: a) the problem of getting at truth in a conversation-discussion, b) the problem of intersubiective acceptance, c) the problem of discourse identity.
EN
The article presents a problem of similarity of persuasive potential included in discourses of politics and political ones in their treatment of a subject of civil society. We say that - in conditions of mass society - various political orientations share persuasion which promotes public spirit as their instrument of political mobilization.
EN
Jacques Derrida's personage and work is joined with a modern intellectual trend, named as deconstruction. Some interests about deconstruction, and its real influence is particularly alive in literary, philosophical and artistic surroundings. On the background of this cultural matter, his political interests seems to take secondary place. But Derrida's closer analysis of biography and stages of formation his concept confirm "political implications". What is more important, the correlation to the Marx's philosophy is not a coincidence and has significant impact on the way of the discurse about the democracy.
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EN
The time of the turn XX and the XXI century in Poland is a period in which the discussion of crime and methods of fighting it is very vivid. People interested in the matter are not only lawyers but, what is more important, also politicians, journalists and, thanks to media, ordinary citizens. The main interest is focused on the ways of reacting to crimes. Questions traditionally asked are: "Will the crime rate decrease when the punishment is more severe?" and, consequently "Should we make law stricter because of the increasing crime rate?". The cause of the discussion is a reform of criminal law, especially some points of new criminal code introduced in 1997, and some proposals of other amendments. Obviously, the tendency to follow strict criminal policy is a combination of many different factors, among others are the fear of crime and the feeling of insecurity, which have been increasing gradually along with the real increase in crime rate. The growing fear of crime was also broadly presented in media. The feelings were used by politicians, who included they ways of fighting the problems in their political programs and election campaigns.
EN
During the period discussed in the article (1997 - 2005) actors from the Polish political scene were deeply divided by their history - being a part of "Solidarność" or having communist roots. In the process of building their political identity, both right-wing and left-wing parties didn't strive for removing historical divisions but instead they exposed them in order to emphasize their distinctive features. The effect was that communist history became legitimization not only left-wing but also right-wing which was originally born as a symbol of struggle against communism. An assumption taken in this article is that all kind of language including political language is the ever-transforming process being the outcome of changes in social consciousness. This idea contradicts the theory according to which Polish political scene is ruled by ritual chaos. First of all the very target of political discourse is to be listened and supported and this is achieved by being flexible to the audience which requires also being organized and creative. The other politics feature supporting my point of view is richness of rhetoric and phraseology used in discourse. Such associations as those with death, religion or love that were applied in analysed articles are very vivid and thus emotions they cause can be quite strong, which makes political problems crucial on the grand social scale. Finally it is hard to talk about ritual chaos when the great consequence of political discourse is the change in people's attitudes. It appears that the audience influenced by colourful words of politicians and journalists is able to modify their memory about their own history. What we encounter here is the authentic social change that is only possible when social drama is played.
EN
As part of a diplomatic tour to the United States in 2012, now ex-president of Argentina Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, gave a series of speeches at various institutions of higher learning. The Argentinean press covering the President’s visits coded their analysis following a melodramatic code reminiscent of popular serialized programming known in Latin America as telenovelas (Soap operas in the Anglo-American media context). Conservative and right leaning media outlets used the telenovela formula to construct Kirchner as a villain, due to her promotion of a populist participatory democracy in opposition to neoliberal economic policies. Journalists followed the Kirchner tour closely, and each of her visits were framed as episodes full of the genre’s markers with clearly delineated cliff-hangers, explosive revelations, and competing dichotomous characters. In order to understand the uses of melodramatic paradigm, I am proposing a close reading of the staging, performance and the speeches Kirchner held at Harvard University. I argue in this article that Kirchner employs the code of melodrama to speak to her constituents, but it is also her adversaries which frame a condemnation of the President using similarly structured telenovela paradigm. I am interested in addressing how the telenovela/ melodramatic code is appropriated by both opposing political sides and the implications this has on the television genre as a purveyor of political discourse.
EN
The goal of this paper is to investigate two presidential terms in Türkiye in order to compare the place of security in the political discourse of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in particular, and in Turkish politics at this time in general. The mixed methodological approach has been taken in the article. The MAXQDA software program has been used to collect and analyse data from more than 850 of President Erdoğan's speeches. The key research questions are as follows: how important are the security issues in the political rhetoric of the President? Are there any differences in this regard between Erdoğan's first and second presidency? Did the state of emergency and introduction of the presidential system make any difference in this regard? What are the reasons for the place of security, as identified in the analysis, in Turkish political discourse and politics?
PL
Artykuł podejmuje problematykę wielkich imprez sportowych (ang. Sport Mega Events, dalej: WIS) będących najbardziej spektakularnymi przejawami komercjalizacji i neoliberalizacji współczesnego zglobalizowanego sportu. Analiza obejmuje dwa przypadki procesów politycznych, w które zaangażowane były polskie elity polityczne: organizację w 2012 roku Mistrzostw Europy w Piłce Nożnej (dalej: Euro 2012) oraz inicjatywę na rzecz organizacji Zimowych Igrzysk Olimpijskich w 2022 roku w Krakowie, zablokowaną przez referendalny sprzeciw mieszkańców tego miasta. Rozważane są skutki organizacji Euro 2012 i konteksty politycznego konsensusu wszystkich sił politycznych na rzecz organizacji obu imprez oraz okoliczności, które doprowadziły do fiaska inicjatywy Kraków 2022.
EN
The paper undertakes the topic of sport mega events, which are the most spectacular manifestations of commercialization and neoliberalization of contemporary, globalized sport. The analysis approaches case studies of two political processes involving Polish political elites: hosting of the Euro 2012 and the initiative to organize Winter Olympic Games 2022 in Cracow, which was blocked by a popular vote of Cracow’s citizens who took part in a referendum. The consequences of hosting Euro 2012 are analysed and the context of political consensus of all main political powers concerning the hosting of both events, as well as circumstances leading to the failure of the project Cracow 2022 are under study.
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