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EN
The western part of Polesia (Polish: Polesie) was made part of Poland resulting from the Treaty of Riga, 1921. Characteristic to the area were specific economic and ethnic traits. Civilisational retardation and, in a number of cases, underdeveloped ethnic/national awareness of the locals caused Polish authorities to formulate projects with respect to this region aimed at gradual Polonisation of its populace. The process was regarded as an element of civilisation-instilling mission, as well as a precondition for achievement of the desired goals related to internal and external safety. These projects, and the results of Polonisation process, are analysed herein.
EN
This article aims to narrate and examine a unique story of ‘Polonisation’ of a certain population group in the interwar Central-European border area. It deals with the question of belonging and affiliation of a group of members of a Jewish organisation in East Upper Silesia. The area, which was transferred to Poland from Germany after WWI, experienced an intensive process of nationalisation, or Polonisation. The article focuses mostly on the former German city Kattowitz, or Katowice, which after the border shift became the capital of Poland’s new province, the Silesian Voivodeship. A period of thirteen years has been taken into account: from 1921, the year of the plebiscite in Upper Silesia, until 1934, when Poland and Germany signed the non-aggression pact. Both the plebiscite and the signing of the non-aggression pact were crucial for the Upper Silesian minorities. At the time of the plebiscite, these minorities had to opt for a national affiliation, while none of them considered themselves completely German or Polish. Therefore, after the plebiscite and with the borders rearranged, these groups should have been fit for getting Polonised. The article focuses at the Jewish test case, in a wide and comparative context of international political and diplomatic background. It therefore places micro-history cases within the macro-history of Central Europe between the two World Wars.
EN
Recent studies of migration in Grand Duchy of Lithuania show the influx of foreign nobility into Samogitia in the second half of the 16th century. This article attempts to clarify the three so far unexplored, but very important, circumstances of this migration. 1. The role of Polish migration. There is no doubt that the Poles made up the majority of migrants. At that time Samogitians dissatisfaction was directed against both Polish and Ruthenian, German, Hungarian and Lithuanian (!) migrants. The migration of Lithuanians into Samogitia had not been investigated. It is, therefore, likely that the number of Polish migrants in the context of total migration is undeservedly exaggerated. 2. In the 16th century the movement of the noble from one region to another was not a matter of fact. This usually happened when the Ruler rewarded distinguished noblemen with land and peasants from his ducal domain. The domain of the Grand Duke in Samogitia was just recreated in the fourth decade of the 16th century. And only after that did the Ruler hand benefice. The study of the dynamics of benefices during the 16th century clarifies that land distribution for nobles of non-local origins sharply increased during the last years of Sigismund Augustus’ reign. In part this can be explained by the Ruler wishes to reward meritorious Rittmeister of Livonian War. 3. In addition to the Ruler’s benefice policy the Lithuanian magnates’ patronage had heavy influence on nobility migration too. In the middle of the 16th century Chodkiewicz family of Ruthenic origin established itself in Samogitia. The clientele of Hieronim Chodkiewicz was composed of the nobility of the Ruthenian and Polish origin who moved into Samogitia. The latter fact led to the displacement of the nobles of Samogitian origin from the region elite.
EN
The Diet of Galicia and Lodomeria had no legally binding means to influence the activity of the government. Despite the unsuccessful attempt to strengthen its position relative to the government administration, the Diet used its available powers to affect the administrative actions of the government. The results of these interpellations were varied. In cases where the local interests and those of the Vienna government were divergent, the Diet was not able to persuade the government to alter its policy, as demonstrated by the futile efforts to convince the government to take a more liberal position on the matter of the Polish refugees. However, in cases where the national interest and the political plans of the central government could be reconciled, the actions of the Diet were more effective. The central government cooperated with the autonomous Galician institutions on matters like education or military service.
PL
Galicyjski Sejm Krajowy nie miał efektywnych środków prawnych, dzięki którym mógłby wiążąco wpływać na działania namiestnictwa. Próba wzmocnienia stanowiska wobec administracji rządowej zakończyła się niepowodzeniem. Nie znaczy to jednak, że Sejm nie starał się wykorzystywać przysługujących mu uprawnień do wywierania wpływu na czynności administracyjne namiestnictwa. Interpelacje i wezwania kierowane do namiestnika były mniej lub bardziej skuteczne. W sprawach, w których interesy kraju i władz centralnych wyraźnie się rozmijały, Sejm nie mógł liczyć na zmianę w postępowaniu namiestnictwa. Dowodzą tego między innymi wysiłki Sejmu w celu skłonienia administracji rządowej do prowadzenia bardziej liberalnej polityki wobec polskich uchodźców. Tam, gdzie interesy kraju dawały się pogodzić z polityką rządu, oddziaływanie Sejmu na namiestnictwo przynosiło lepsze efekty. Pokazuje to po części współdziałanie organów autonomicznych i rządowych Galicji w takich sprawach, jak szkolnictwo czy służba wojskowa.
EN
The article deals with the issues of religious education, its transformations and geopolitical and ethnic conditions in Bielsko (Bielsko-Biała). It presents the ethnic structure of the city at the time when Poland regained independence as well as subsequent changes that took place during the interwar period and after the Second World War. Once in Poland, Bielsko embarked upon an accelerated process of Polonisation, which stifled German education and led to a rapid expansion of Polish education. In practice, German education was limited to religious education in the Bielski Syjon (Bielitzer Zion) district. Numerous restrictions along with the spread of fascist ideology led to the complete radicalisation of the German community, thus giving the impression that Evangelical education equals German education. Unfortunately, the stigmatisation of Evangelical education and evangelicals themselves as Germans led to persecutions and alienation attempts after the war. The fate of the Catholic school run by the School Sisters of Notre Dame was similar. The accusations of collaboration with Nazi Germany during the occupation and the postwar state policy towards the Catholic Church made the sisters cease their education agenda. Despite difficulties, religious education in Bielsko-Biała recovered quickly after the 1989 political transformation. Today, it is experiencing its renaissance. Schools run by various religious denominations, often scoring high in education rankings, are very popular among both students and parents.
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