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Content available remote

Personality Rights in the Russian Federation

100%
Žitkevitš N.
Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne
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2013
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vol. XI
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issue 3
95-115
EN
The Russian law regulates protection of personality rights on the constitutional level, as well as that of acts of a lower rank. The Russian Civil Code does not contain a definition of personality rights, but only enumerates them, with the provision that case law treats the list of protected rights contained in the regulations as a closed one. On the other hand, the doctrine defines them as non-material, non-property rights, connected with the human being and protected by law. Contemporarily, there are distinguished two groups of personality rights protecting the physical existence of the human being (health, life, bodily inviolability) and related to its functioning in society (honour, dignity, privacy, freedom of movement). In a lawsuit of protection of personality rights the claimant must prove, in the case of defamation, not only the fact of their violation, but also the falseness of the charges. In other cases, the genuineness of the charge does not play a role. The protection includes property-related means (compensation and satisfaction) and non-property ones (correction of untrue information, publication of a statement with the appropriate content and form.
2

CHANGES IN ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE, THE SOVIET UNION AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION (Zmiany podzialow administracyjnych w Cesarstwie Rosyjskim, w Zwiazku Sowieckim oraz w Federacji Rosyjskiej)

100%
Gregorowicz S.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2010
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vol. 45
239-257
EN
In the 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia underwent a complex process of political, economic and social transformation which coincided with the presidency of Boris Yeltsin. The fast pace of ongoing changes and the FR movement towards democracy inclined Poland to redefine relations with Russia and to seek new opportunities for their development. The expression of these was the visit of President Walesa in Moscow and the signing of Polish-Russian Treaty of Good Neighbourship and Friendly Cooperation on 22 May 1992. Shortly, however, a number of problems in relations with Moscow emerged, e.g. historical occurrences (including Katyn Massacre), Soviet army withdrawal from Poland, compensations and financial settlements, and others, which impeded current relations, despite the fact that presidents Yeltsin and Walesa had made an attempt to open a new chapter in Polish-Russian relations. It soon became apparent that the strategic interests of both countries are completely inconsistent in relation to fundamental matters. Evidently, it revealed conflicting aspirations concerning the entry of Poland to NATO , which resulted in significant cooling in Polish-Russian relations in the years 1994 to 2000. The change of authorities in Kremlin on 31 December 1999, which marked an end of a certain period in Russian history, unexpectedly created favourable conditions for improvement in relations with Poland. It was reflected in President Putin-s visit in Poland in January 2002, which yielded a number of spectacular results. However, the two-year balance of 'detente' of 2002-2003 presented itself rather poorly. Once more, a substantial discrepancy of Polish and Russian interests was exposed during the events of 2004. Polish entry to the EU in May 2004 and the presidential election in Ukraine, where Poland and President A. Kwasniewski played a significant role in the victory of 'the orange revolution'. This resulted in further cooling of Polish-Russian relations. The following years did not provide any improvement. At the end of 2005 the issue of locating elements of American missile defence shield on Polish territory appeared which posed a new problem in Polish-Russian relations. As in the case of NATO enlargement, the Russians employed the method of intimidation to counteract this undertaking. In retaliation for the shield, a number of higher Russian officers and politicians announced that the latest Russian anti-missile systems would be located near Polish border and that mid-range missiles would be aimed at Poland. This best illustrates the significance of East-Central Europe for Moscow.
3
Content available remote

Polityka Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec mniejszości rosyjskojęzycznej na Łotwie

100%
Szabaciuk A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2015
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issue 4
197-214
EN
This article aims to analyse the Russian Federation’s policy towards its foreign compatriots on the example of the Latvian Republic. It analyses the conditions and presents the policy’s main concepts along with its exe¬cutive agents. The paper outlines the interactions between the motherland abroad, the nationalist – oriented state and the ethnic minority. In the final chapter of the article the author ventures to evaluate the effectiveness and adequacy of the Russian ethnic policy towards the Russian-speaking minority in Latvia.
4

HISTORICAL MEMORY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE POST-TRUTH ERA IN RUSSIAN FEDERATION

88%
Tokareva E.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2021
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vol. 25
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issue 2
533 - 547
EN
This article deals with the perception of historical memory and national identity in the era of posterity, as well as their impact on the formation of Russian national unity; determines the role of the latter in the emergence of a new identity of the Russian nation. The initial methodological position for this study is the idea that, even in post-truth conditions, historical memory and national identity retain their true value. The authors use polls of the Russian Public Opinion Research Center. The survey method is a telephone interview. According to the polls, 92% believe that it is important to know the history of Russia, while at the same time only 42% know it well. The results of the study can be used in various state programs, which are based on historical memory and aimed at the development of Russian national identity.
5
Content available remote

Russian’s Military Energy Policy in the European Space: Confrontation the Challenges and Threats

88%
Slobodian N. V.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2015
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issue 3
167-190
EN
In the modern world of energy dependent economies the energy component acts as a determining factor in making strategic and political decisions in the geopolitical dimensions. The article’s central thematic interest focuses on the economic origins and financial base of the energy component of Russia’s aggressive foreign policy in the European space. It contains the qualitative and quantitative indicators of the structure of modern Russian energy market and presents the research of sources of economic basis of Russia’s military overcapacity and correlation between the size of defense spending and state budget revenues of the Russian Federation in energy sector. Based on the findings of this study possible ways and measures can be modeled for creation of effective financial-economic and political-strategic system of the EU states to deter the current course of the Kremlin tight energy policy on the territory of European countries.
6

Polityka bezpieczeństwa Rosji za prezydentury Dmitrija Miedwiediewa a interesy Polski

88%
Lisiakiewicz R.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2012
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issue 894
25-39
EN
The article analyses the consequences of Russian security policy towards Poland during the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev. The author seeks answers to the following questions: what was the influence of the Russian proposals of the new European security architecture on the Polish position in international relations; what were the motives to improve Polish-Russian relations after 2007 (in terms of security); what were the consequences for Polish foreign policy of the so-called reset in USA-Russian relations?
7

Polityka bezpieczenstwa Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Zachodu w nowym wydaniu w okresie prezydentury D. Miedwiediewa – zarys problematyki

88%
Lisiakiewicz R.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2012
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issue 882
131-144
EN
After the NATO–Russia summit in Lisbon in 2010, political leaders announced a new era of relations between Moscow and the Alliance. In Lisbon it was decided to invite Russia to participate in the construction of a missile defence system. Dmitri Medvedev stated that this decision opened a door to talks between the West and Russia. Less than two and half years ago it seemed that Russia and NATO had fallen back into cold war era relations. What has changed since that time between Moscow and the Alliance? Can a major breakthrough and warming in Moscow–NATO relations now be declared? This paper analyses the main aspects of security policy Medvedev addressed to the West. The key point of Russia’s security proposals is to build a new pan-European security architecture. An attempt is also made to answer the question of the motives that led Moscow to again approach the West.
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