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EN
The paper presents battles for cities during the Mława–Elbląg offensive operation, conducted by units of the 5th Armoured Guard on January 17–26, according to the orders of Marshal Konstanty Rokossowski, who commanded the 2nd Belarusian Front, and Colonel General Vasily Wolski. The findings, based on the documentation of the Central Archives of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and related literature on the subject, present the daily battles for cities led by armoured units and their assigned support. The border territories they occupied, marching routes and combat operations are noted, alongside the problem raised by commanders of insufficient support for tanks with infantry forces. The article describes the occupation or capture of: Mława, Działdowo, Nidzica, Stębark, Ostróda, Iława, Morąg, Zalewo, Małdyty, Pasłęk, Młynary and Tolkmicko as well as the initial battles for Elbląg
EN
Szadek was liberated from German occupation on 20 January 1945 by the soldiers of 33 Army of the Belorussian Front and 9 Armoured Guard Corps. However, the advent of Red Army soldiers in Szadek commune had tragic consequences for some of the inhabitants. In the village of Kotlinki, 5 km west of Szadek, they killed seven people. After the end of the war, in the socialist period, according to the official propaganda it was the retreating Wermacht troops that were guilty of this tragedy. All the killed persons, except S. Kaczmarek and one of the Soviet soldiers, were buried in a collective grave at St Lawrence cemetery in Szadek.
EN
The aim of the article is to define the specificity and current contexts of contemporary narratives regarding the actions of the Red Army in Austria at the end and after the Second World War in opinion-forming Austrian and Russian magazines representing various political options. The main hypothesis of the paper is that the analyzed narrative threads relate to or reflect the dominant paradigms in contemporary memory policies in Austria and Russia. The author also assumed that their frequency and content were significantly influenced not only by the anniversary events related to 1945, but also by current international politics. The article uses the method of critical discourse analysis of press texts published in 2005-2020, which were selected using the quantitative method of keyword research. The main conclusion of the study is the confirmation of the initial hypotheses and the conclusion that the Austro-Russian memory dialogue takes place primarily between the right-wing circles in both countries.
EN
The Polish-Soviet War, which took place between 1919 and 1920, remains one of the most dramatic, yet also one of the brightest pages in the history of the Polish military. Not only did the Polish army achieve a spectacular victory that ensured Poland’s sovereignty and unrestrained development, but also, according to many historians and politicians, saved Europe from the flood of communism. Apart from the famous Battle of Warsaw, the warfare that lasted from February 1919 to October 1920 included the Kiev Offensive, the Battle of Komarów and the Battle of the Niemen River. The war with the Bolshevists was not just a conflict over the borders, but also concerned the preservation of national sovereignty, threatened by the Bolshevists' attempts to spread the communist revolution throughout Europe. The intention of the Polish side, on the other hand, was to separate the nations occupying the regions to the west and south of Russia and to connect them with Poland through close federal ties. The fate of the war was finally decided in August 1920 at the gates of Warsaw. The Polish Army, following the operational plans of the High Command approved by Józef Piłsudski, the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, pushed the Red Army east past the Neman River line with a surprising counter-attack. This battle saved Poland's independence and forced the Bolshevists to cancel their plans to spread the communist revolution to the countries of Central and Western Europe.
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EN
The article deals with the problem of exclusion and repression of whole social groups by the Stalinist regime during the so called Great Patriotic War. It purports to show that Stalin and his milieu tried to consolidate a majority of the society by means of excluding and subjecting to repressions arbitrarily chosen social groups, seeking in this way to reduce the threat posed by instant successes of the German army in the war against the USSR. The first such group comprised Red Army soldiers who surrendered to the Germans and were prisoners of war – they were declared traitors and so their families were to suffer repressions. Another group consisted of the national minorities residing in the Soviet Union - in 1941 those were Germans and later during the liberation of the country from German occupation it meant whole nations whose representatives collaborated with the German occupants. The author argues that contrary to the claims of the Russian propaganda, victory in the war was not treated by Stalin as the victory of all the Soviet Union citizens.
PL
A rtykuł przedstawia losy sześciu prawników wojskowych, Polaków, którzy w latach trzydziestych XX w. służyli w Armii Czerwonej lub wojskach NKWD, w 1936 r. nadano im stopień wojenjurista 1. rangi (odpowiadający wówczas randze pułkownika), a następ- nie wstąpili do Wojska Polskiego. Na podstawie źródeł, pochodzących głównie z archi- wów rosyjskich, zrekonstruowano kariery tych oficerów w okresie ich służby w siłach zbrojnych ZSRR. Pozwoliło to na nakreślenie ich portretu zbiorowego. Wszyscy legi- tymowali się wątpliwym wykształceniem zawodowym, przez wiele lat służyli w orga- nach związanych z systemem represyjnym państwa radzieckiego oraz byli dyspozycyjni wobec organów NKWD w czasie wielkiej czystki (1937–1938). Mimo poddania więk- szości z nich w 1938 r. różnego rodzaju represjom otrzymali rękojmię realizacji w Polsce polityki zgodnej z interesem ZSRR.
EN
T he article presents the life history of six Polish military lawyers who served in the Red Army or in the NKVD forces in the 1930s, were promoted to top ranking war lawyers in 1936 (the equivalent to the former rank of colonel), and afterwards enlisted into the Polish Army. Based on evidence mainly from Russian archives, it was possible to reconstruct the careers of these officers while on service in the armed forces of the USRR. A collective picture was established thereon. There were doubts as to their pro - fessional education since they completed many years of service in bodies related to the repression system of the Soviet state and served the NKVD authorities during the great purge (1937–1938). Although they were subject to various forms of repressions in 1938, they received a guarantee for pursuing a policy in the interest of the USSR in Poland.
Mäetagused
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2023
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vol. 86
53-72
EN
This article examines the letters of a young Estonian man, Kurt Eiskop (1919–1944), to his beloved and future wife, Edith Eiskop (1919–1991). Kurt Eiskop’s 55 letters were handed over to the Estonian Cultural History Archives in 2022, as a result of the collection campaign “Letters in my life”, a competition organised cooperatively by the Estonian Life Stories Association and the archives. Most of the letters were written between 16 April 1940 and 29 June 1941, while Eiskop was doing his military service in the army of the Estonian Republic. In this article I consider his letters as a testimony of a historical witness, based on what he saw and experienced during the arrival of the Red Army forces in the Estonian Republic in June 1940 and its subsequent annexation. What interests me in Eiskop’s letters as testimony is, first and foremost, the author’s subjective experience, which can be seen in the way emotions are expressed in his letters. As is characteristic of love letters, the main topic of Eiskop’s letters is emotions – longing for the beloved and nostalgia for life before the army. In retrospect, the latter seems like a paradisaical idyll to him, while the present reality seems like being in prison. In addition to the expression of emotions, the subjective experience of the writer emerges in the letters through descriptions of everyday life in the army, which also contain the author’s thoughts, moods, and attitudes toward the new regime. It emerges from Eiskop’s letters that service in the army of the Estonian Republic was disagreeable to him, as it separated him from his beloved and impeded their beginning a life together. The arrival of reinforcements of the Red Army in the Estonian Republic in June 1940 put the Estonian Army and those performing their military service there in a complicated situation: they had to get used to alienating new circumstances and rules; likewise there were fears that the war would spread to the Estonian territory and that soldiers would be sent to fight the war for the Soviet Union. In a politically complicated time, which also entailed complications for personal life, writing letters provided support and a way of sustaining relationship despite being apart. The letters Eiskop wrote to his beloved during his military service became a kind of refuge for him, a safe world, the creation of which was enabled by nostalgic memories. These are poeticised and idealised images of the past which provide comfort and strength, while intensifying his closeness to the addressee. It is interesting that in Eiskop’s letters nostalgia is not always unidirectionally aimed at the past, but some memories are bound to the author’s hopes and plans for the future. However, nostalgia is not the only emotion that Eiskop expresses in his moments of solitude. Eiskop’s letters are also filled with longing for the beloved, expressed by the author in bursts of emotion, sometimes more controlled, sometimes more expressive, in some letters also as desperation.
EN
This article is dedicated to the phenomena of requisitions and robberies committed by the soldiers of the Red Army in Września county (Poznań province) in 1945–1946. It is a case study which refers to a broader issue of Soviet troops stationing in the province. Their im¬pact on the economic conditions and the financial situation of the civilians was significant. While in the definition context, the difference between requisition and robbery in unambig¬uous, it was in fact blurred in the reality of 1945–1946. Cooperation between the military administration of the Red Army with the war commandants representing it and the Polish administration was in fact very difficult. Frequently, the “right of power” was the determina¬tive factor in the relations between civilians and the Red Army soldiers.
EN
The study deals with the capturing of prisoners by the Red Army, taking control over Transylvania in the fall of 1944. More precisely, it presents the deportation of Hungarian civilians from Kolozsvár (today: Cluj-Napoca, Romania), took over in only a few days, immediately after the entering of the Soviet troops in the city, in October 1944. The main objective of this study is to realize an analysis on this capturing, in order to present the methods used by the Soviet Union in collecting manpower for rebuilding of the country, all over Eastern Europe, at the end ofWorldWar II. There are described the circumstances of capturing the prisoners, the number of those taken away, the routes of their deportation, the locations of the forced labour camps, the length of the captivity, the number of the victims, and the return of the survivors. With these alltogether, the study aims to offer a comprehensive perspective on a theme being taboo for fourty years under the communist regime in Romania. The source material of the study consists of archival data, specialist books, scientific articles, essays, published recollections, memoires and interviews with survivors made by the author
EN
In the spring of 1945, owing to the increasing activity of Ukrainian nationalists in south-eastern Poland, a lot of self-defense groups started to appear, and in many cases guerilla groups, whose main purpose was not fighting with the new authorities but protecting local people from the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. The groups, on account of their make-up and their previous conspiracy connections were mostly negative about the Communist authorities and the presence of the Red Army. Nevertheless, due to the ongoing hostilities Polish guerilla groups avoided direct clashes with the Red Army, limiting themselves to actions aimed at protecting the members of the underground independence movement, releasing prisoners and eliminating the functionaries who were particularly involved in exposing and fighting the Polish underground. The purpose of the article is filling a gap in the historiography of the underground independence and national movement in the Przemyśl powiat in the first half of 1945, presenting one such group which was formed at the end of winter 1945 and operated for several months, mainly in the area of Bircza.
EN
The western and northern territories of Poland (former German territory) were a troubled area in the few months after the end of the war. In the first post-war period, there were no stable power structures, including organs of justice and public order. The prevailing state of anarchy in this territory was the reason for an increase in crime. The perpetrators of crimes were not only civilian settlers but also Red Army soldiers stationed in the area. It should be emphasized that they often treated the territories of the western and northern territories as a conquered territory, and not as part of an allied state. The author presents the issue of post-war criminality in the Lubuskie Region (the so-called recovered territory), where the perpetrators were soldiers of the Red Army. This article was developed on the basis of the indexes of Prosecutor’s Office of the Regional Court in Zielona Góra from 1945-1946. The prosecutor’s office of the Regional Court in Zielona Góra, like the Regional Court in Zielona Góra, started its operation in the early autumn of 1945. Initially, the judiciary and public order authorities in the Lubuskie Region were struggling with personnel and organizational problems typical of the post-war period, therefore their effectiveness in prosecuting and preventing crime was relatively low. Moreover, it should be remembered that the Red Army soldiers were not subject to the jurisdiction of Polish courts and the prosecutor’s office. Cases concerning crimes committed by Soviet soldiers, registered by the prosecutor’s office in Zielona Góra, were transferred to the Military Prosecutor’s Office of the Red Army in Poznań.
PL
Ziemie Zachodnie i Północne stanowiły tuż po zakończeniu wojny niespokojny obszar. W pierwszym powojennym okresie nie istniały na tzw. ziemiach odzyskanych stabilne struktury władzy, w tym organa wymiaru sprawiedliwości i porządku publicznego. Panujący na tym terytorium stan anomii był powodem lawinowego wzrostu przestępczości. Sprawcami przestępstw kryminalnych byli nie tylko cywilni osadnicy i tzw. szabrownicy, ale także żołnierze Armii Czerwonej stacjonujący na tym obszarze. Podkreślić należy, że nierzadko traktowali oni tereny ziem Zachodnich i Północnych jako terytorium podbite, a nie jako część sprzymierzonego państwa. Pokrzywdzonymi tego rodzaju przestępstwami byli nie tylko niemieccy mieszkańcy Ziemi Lubuskiej, ale także przybywający na te obszary polscy przesiedleńcy. Autor przedstawia zagadnienie powojennej przestępczości kryminalnej na Ziemi Lubuskiej (tzw. ziemie odzyskane), której sprawcami byli żołnierze Armii Czerwonej. Zagadnienie to zostało opracowane na podstawie zachowanych repertoriów ds. Prokuratury Sądu Okręgowego w Zielonej Górze z lat 1945–1946. Prokuratura Sądu Okręgowego w Zielonej Górze podobnie jak Sąd Okręgowy w Zielonej Górze rozpoczęła działalność wczesną jesienią 1945 r. Początkowo organy wymiaru sprawiedliwości i porządku publicznego na Ziemi Lubuskiej borykały się z typowymi dla okresu powojennego problemami kadrowymi i organizacyjnymi dlatego też ich skuteczność w ściganiu i zapobieganiu przestępczości była stosunkowo niska. Ponadto należy pamiętać, że żołnierze Armii Czerwonej nie podlegali jurysdykcji polskich sądów oraz prokuratury. Sprawy dotyczące przestępstw popełnionych przez żołnierzy radzieckich zrejestrowane przez zielonogórską prokuraturę przekazywano Wojskowej Prokuraturze Armii Czerwonej w Poznaniu.
EN
The victory over fascism has been a source of national pride and inspiration for the majority of Russian society to this day. But is it possible to speak about a victory whereas the country was completely ruined and lost at least one ninth of its population? In today's Russia undermining the importance of victory is considered almost a common crime by official state factors. The memory of the "great war" is to be sacred and no one has the right to cast a shadow of doubt on the great victory of the nation and its leader. That is why few historians and politicians have the courage to tell the truth about war and victory. This truth lies in the recognition of the fact that, from the first to the last day of World War II, the German Wehrmacht never outnumbered the Red Army on the Eastern Front. It was also definitely inferior to the Red Army in terms of the quantity and quite often the quality of all types of weapons. The great victories of 1941–1942 were achieved by the Germans mainly due to the organizational weakness of the Red Army, the terrible command and the lack of motivation to fight among millions of Soviet soldiers. However, with each new defeat of the Red Army, its advantage over the Wehrmacht just increased. The vast majority of citizens found out that German fascism posed a much worse threat to them than Stalinism. The war with Germany did turn into a patriotic war for most of Soviet society. In 2011, the Russian Duma published government documents from the war period. They show that the human losses of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945 amounted to 41 million 979 thousand people. This is almost 15 million more than the Gorbachev commission thought. Another 10 million 833 thousand is the mortality from the so-called natural causes among the civilian and military population. The victory of the Soviet Union in World War II was a Pyrrhic victory that further strengthened the inhuman totalitarian system known as Stalinism. Most Russians, however, perceive such statements almost as a personal insult.
PL
Do dziś zwycięstwo nad faszyzmem stanowi dla przeważającej części społeczeństwa rosyjskiego źródło narodowej dumy, inspiracji i natchnienia. Czy można jednak mówić o zwycięstwie, kiedy kraj został doszczętnie zrujnowany i stracił co najmniej jedną dziewiątą swojej ludności? Podważanie znaczenia zwycięstwa w dzisiejszej Rosji uważane jest przez oficjalne czynniki państwowe niemal za przestępstwo pospolite. Pamięć o „wielkiej wojnie” ma być święta i nikt nie ma prawa rzucić cienia wątpliwości na w wielkie zwycięstwo narodu i jego przywódcy. Dlatego nieliczni historycy i politycy mają odwagę mówić prawdę o wojnie i zwycięstwie. Prawda ta polega na uznaniu faktu, że od pierwszego do ostatniego dnia II wojny światowej niemiecki Wehrmacht nigdy na froncie wschodnim nie miał przewagi liczebnej. Zdecydowanie ustępował on również Armii Czerwonej pod względem ilości i dość często jakości wszystkich typów uzbrojeń. Wielkie zwycięstwa z lat 1941–1942 Niemcy odnieśli głównie dzięki słabości organizacyjnej Armii Czerwonej, fatalnemu dowództwu i braku motywacji do walki u milionów żołnierzy sowieckich. Jednak z każdą nową porażką Armii Czerwonej jej przewaga nad Wehrmachtem jedynie wzrastała. Ogromna większość obywateli przekonała się, że faszyzm niemiecki stanowi dla nich o wiele gorsze zagrożenie niż stalinizm. Wojna z Niemcami dla przeważającej części społeczeństwa sowieckiego rzeczywiście przekształciła się w wojnę ojczyźnianą. W roku 2011 Duma rosyjska upubliczniła dokumenty rządowe z okresu wojny. Wynika z nich, że straty ludzkie Związku Sowieckiego w wojnie ojczyźnianej 1941–1945 roku sięgają 41 mln 979 tys. osób. Jest to o prawie 15 mln więcej, niż sądziła komisja Gorbaczowa. Jeszcze 10 mln 833 tys. – to śmiertelność z tzw. przyczyn naturalnych wśród ludności cywilnej i wojskowych. Zwycięstwo Związku Sowieckiego w II wojnie światowej było zwycięstwem pyrrusowym, które jeszcze bardziej wzmocniło nieludzki, totalitarny system zwany stalinizmem. Większość Rosjan jednak odbiera podobne twierdzenia niemal jako obrazę osobistą.
PL
Żołnierze Armii Czerwonej przechodzili przez teren województwa warszawskiego dwukrotnie: w styczniu 1945 r. w czasie ofensywy przeciwko wojskom niemieckim i latem tego roku, wracając do Związku Sowieckiego po wygranej wojnie. W obu przypadkach część z nich dopuszczała się wobec ludności polskiej napadów, gwałtów, kradzieży i bezprawnych rekwizycji, co zostało odnotowane w dokumentach władz powiatowych i wojewódzkich.
EN
Red Army soldiers passed through Warsaw voivodeship twice: in January 1945 during the offensive against German troops and this summer, returning to the Soviet Union after winning the war. In both cases, some of them committed assaults, rape, theft and illegal requisition against the Polish population, which was noted in the documents of poviat and voivodeship authorities.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia manewr wprowadzenia 5 Armii Pancernej Gwardii w przełamanie frontu podczas starć niemiecko-sowieckich w styczniu 1945 roku, który został wykonany w ramach operacji ofensywnej drugiego frontu białoruskiego Armii Czerwonej z północnego Mazowsza w kierunku ówczesnych Prus Wschodnich. Autor, korzystając z dokumentów Centralnego Archiwum Ministerstwa Obrony Federacji Rosyjskiej w Podolsku oraz literatury przedmiotu, prezentuje bezpośrednie przygotowania do uderzenia pancernego, marsze na pozycje bojowe oraz pierwszy dzień walk.
EN
The article presents the maneuver of the entry of the 5th Guards Tank Army into the frontal breakthrough during German-Soviet clashes in January 1945, which was carried out as part of the offensive operation of the 2nd Belorussian Front of the Red Army from northern Mazovia towards the former East Prussia. The author, using the documents of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation in Podolsk and literature on the subject, presents direct preparations for the armored strike, marches for combat positions and the first day of fighting.
EN
Emanuel Pietyra's Memoir of a Terrible War and Experience of 1945 is a record of the events that took place in the first months of 1945 in the areas of Zarzecze, Podlesie and Kostuchna. These areas have been part of Katowice since 1975. Their inhabitants, faced with the Red Army troops advancing into Upper Silesia, experienced many traumatic experiences. In 1945, the Soviets carried out arrests, thefts, arson and rape throughout the region. They behaved similarly in Zarzecze, Podlesie and Kostuchna. In addition to noting the Red Army's behaviour, which was symptomatic for many areas of the post-war Poland, the Memoir also contains information about battles between the Soviets and the Germans fought between January and March 1945 in the regions of Mikołów, Tychy, Żory and Rybnik, as well as the news about various everyday events. E. Pietyra’s notes also provide a glimpse of the emotions that the local population felt in the then uncertain and chaotic times. His memoirs therefore detail some aspects of the 'Upper Silesian tragedy' in relation to the now southern part of Katowice. They also provide an insight into the emotions prevailing among the local community.
PL
Pamiętnik z okropnej wojny i przeżycia z roku 1945 Emanuela Pietyry stanowi zapis wydarzeń rozgrywających się w pierwszych miesiącach 1945 roku na terenie Zarzecza, Podlesia i Kostuchny. Obszary te od 1975 roku są częścią Katowic. Ich mieszkańcy w obliczu zetknięcia się z wykraczającymi na Górny Śląsk oddziałami Armii Czerwonej doświadczyli wielu traumatycznych przeżyć. W 1945 roku w całym regionie Sowieci dokonywali zatrzymań, kradzieży, podpaleń i gwałtów. Podobnie zachowywali się w Zarzeczu, Podlesiu i Kostuchnie. Poza odnotowaniem symptomatycznych dla wielu rejonów powojennej Polski zachowań czerwonoarmistów, w Pamiętniku… znalazły się również informacje o walkach pomiędzy Sowietami a Niemcami, jakie ci w okresie od stycznia do marca 1945 roku stoczyli w rejonach Mikołowa, Tychów, Żor i Rybnika, a także wiadomości o różnych wydarzeniach życia codziennego. Zapiski E. Pietyry pozwalają też na dostrzeżenie emocji, które miejscowa ludność odczuwała w ówczesnych, niepewnych i chaotycznych czasach. Jego wspomnienia uszczegóławiają zatem niektóre aspekty „tragedii górnośląskiej” w odniesieniu do obecnie południowej części Katowic. Pozwalają także na odczytanie emocji panujących wśród lokalnej społeczności.
EN
In the light of preserved literary sources and the existing knowledge, it would be difficult to further advance the thesis that in 1945 the territory of East Prussia was „liberated” by the Red Army. The above thesis appears absurd today, and during the communist era the term was used purely for propaganda purposes. It should be stressed that after the Second World War, nearly half of the Polish territory was annexed and incorporated into the Soviet Union, and the Poles who had been living there for centuries were forced to leave their homeland which was cut off from the main part of Poland. Particular attention should be paid to a wave of rapes and robberies committed by Soviet soldiers, which had a destabilizing effect on both the settlement process and public safety. Plunder and theft increased the size of war damage and caused considerable financial losses, thus hindering the rebuilding of war-torn Warmia and Mazury.
PL
W świetle zachowanych źródeł, jak i dotychczasowego stanu wiedzy na ten temat obecnie raczej trudno już obronić tezę o „wyzwoleniu” w 1945 r. Prus Wschodnich przez Armię Czerwoną. Dzisiaj brzmi ona absurdalnie zwłaszcza, że w okresie rządów komunistycznych twierdzenie to miało czysto propagandowy charakter. Warto też przypomnieć, że po wojnie blisko połowa terytorium Polski została zagarnięta i wcielona do Związku Sowieckiego, a zamieszkująca od wieków te ziemie ludność polska w praktyce zmuszona do opuszczenia swoich ojczystych stron, które zostały odcięte od macierzy. Należy też podkreślić liczne przypadki gwałtów i przestępstw dokonywanych przez żołnierzy sowieckich, które wywierały destabilizujący wpływ zarówno na przebieg akcji osadniczej, jak i stan bezpieczeństwa na tych terenach. Z kolei rabunki i grabieże, nie tylko znacząco powiększały skalę zniszczeń, ale również w istotny sposób powodowały straty finansowe i tym samym znacznie utrudniły powojenną odbudowę gospodarczą Warmii i Mazur.
EN
This article is an attempt to examine the Communist-era historiography of the Battle of Lenino by introducing the context of the fighting in Belarus in 1943. The operational and strategic analysis of the tasks of the Western Front and the forces serving there shows the scale of Soviet operations in the autumn of 1943, and the size of the defeats they suffered. One of the battles conducted at the turn of 1944 in the Belarusian direction was the second Orsha operation of October 12–18, 1943. Due to mistakes made at the planning stage, the offensive towards Orsha turned into a bloody battle that took place in the area between the towns of Lenino and Bayevo. Throughout the existence of the USSR, Soviet historiography diminished the importance of the fighting in Belarus in 1943 and avoided research into this operation. The military historians of the Polish People’s Republic were in a different situation; they had a keen interest in the Battle of Lenino because of its propaganda importance. In all the academic publications from the period of the Polish People’s Republic, military historians presented only the first two days of the battle of the 1st Infantry Division at Lenino, avoiding any descriptions of the broader background of the operation, even though they had access to German military sources. The reason was the political dependence of the Polish People’s Republic and the Polish People’s Army to the USSR, which made any criticism of the Red Army impossible. As a result, the battle of Lenino was mythologised: it was presented as a success for the soldiers of the 1st Infantry Division.
EN
The victory of the Soviet Union over the National Socialist Third Reich in World War II is still considered in the Russian Federation as the most important, as well as indisputable contribution to the creation and functioning of the modern world. Moreover, contemporary Russia officially upholds its own version of these events and continuously refers to the shared history of the nations that once formed the Soviet empire. The recurrent images of the Soviets as victors and the ever-renewed concept of Stalin as a national hero are, however, no more than a duplication of the old propaganda models used during the Second World War. The present article seeks to examine the indoctrination efforts undertaken in the Soviet Union at the time of its conflict with Germany during the period 1941–5, particularly with regard to the soldiers of the Red Army. It also pays attention to the emotional appeals of Soviet propaganda and changes in the main ideological directions at various stages of the war.
EN
Writing the History of Sexual Violence – Beyond Borders The article reviews the present research and discourses on rapes committed by Red Army soldiers in Hungary. The article after defining two analytical frameworks present in the Hungarian historiography, the intentionalist and the structuralist, tries to overcome this dichotomy with analysing visual sources.
EN
The article presents the battle for Elbląg during the Second World War based on the orders of the commander of the 2nd Strike Army, General Colonel Ivan Fiediuniński, given in January and February 1945. The author, using the documents of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and literature of the subject, presents day by day – from January 24 to February 12, 1945 – direct preparations for the armor strike, marches for combat positions and the fighting, including artillery, tanks, self-propelled guns and engineering forces, highlighting also personal ambitions and disagreements among Soviet commanders.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje walki o Elbląg podczas II wojny światowej według rozkazów dowodzącego 2 Armią Uderzeniową, generała pułkownika Iwana Fiediunińskiego, wydanych w styczniu i lutym 1945 roku. Autor, bazując na dokumentacji Centralnego Archiwum Ministerstwa Obrony Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz literaturze przedmiotu prezentuje dzień za dniem – od 24 stycznia do 12 lutego 1945 r. – walki o miasto, prowadzone przez jednostki armijne i przydzielonego wsparcia, wskazując zajmowane przez nie rubieże, trasy przemarszu, działania bojowe, w tym również artylerii, czołgów i dział samobieżnych oraz wojsk inżynieryjnych, zauważając także osobiste ambicje i animozje między sowieckimi dowódcami.
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