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EN
After the long summer of migration, strong social and political movements of solidarity with and resistance against refugees developed in Europe. Expressions of solidarity and resistance were also recognisable in the sport system, especially in voluntary sport clubs (VSCs). As a result of this observation, the following article addresses the question: “Which organisational conditions of VSCs promote or hinder the implementation of sport activities for refugees?” To this aim, the article analyses and discusses the results of three research projects concerning sport offers for refugees in Germany. The interview material (n=49) collected in these projects was examined through the qualitative technique of thematic analysis and interpreted through a systems theoretical framework. The results show that conditions which promote and hinder the implementation of sport offers for refugees were identified in all formal (decision programmes, communication channels, and human resources) and informal (organisation culture) decision premises. Furthermore, the implementation of sport offers for refugees is particularly dependent on human resources within the sport clubs. The data show that the resolute will of individuals or small groups of people is highly relevant for the implementation of these sport offers. Finally, when it comes to organizing support for refugees, VSCs display an unexpected dynamic and a high capacity to mobilise resources within a short period of time. The discussion reflects these results and articulates strategies to safeguard, foster, and facilitate the social engagement of VSCs in relation to refugees.
EN
The question if Sudan is a rich or poor country brings different answers. Misery has always been understood in different ways in various cultures. In Africa misery is not always in contrast to wealth. In the case of Southern Sudan case you can look for the reasons for misery in the long-standing civil war. This war lasted nearly continuously from gaining independence in 1956 to signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. The wartime caused devastation of the environment, the whole habitat and collapse of functioning of traditional social-economic forms of the local tribes. International community has promised to help Southern Sudan. Is Sudan - after five years since the peace agreement was signed getting richer? How are the non-governmental organizations working in this area? Are they helping? The situation of Southern Sudan after signing the peace agreement was very unstable. The balance of the long-standing war evokes dread even in estimation - about 2 million victims and over 4 million refugees. The humanitarian situation is one of the worst in the world, what is more, local fights are still taking place there. As a result of the peace agreement Southern Sudan is now an autonomic region with its own government, its dominant members are people from one tribe - Dinka, which just intensifies the conflicts between the tribes. International organizations which bring help in Southern Sudan work there on a few levels. It should create some logical entirety, however it causes problems in vindication of the donor's money. The most important players are donors - they divide funds among the United Nations Agencies and different types of non-governmental organizations. After the United Nations, the World Bank and the European Union are the most visible activists in the South. The situation of Southern Sudan is an undeniable proof of the phenomenon of poverty spreading extensively. Economists claim that the main reason for the poverty is lack of capital. Southern Sudan is, however, one of the poorest regions in the world, even though millions of dollars of international aid flow there every year.
EN
This article aims to draw attention, perception that refugees generally as a people passive, abrasion of specificity of culture, places and history, they do not necessarily have to reflect that. In the refugee camps sometimes arise very aware of their subjectivity refugee communities. Anthropologist Aristide Zolberg calls them "The New Palestinians", or "Refugee-Warriors". They create refugee identity and culture, aimed at returning to their country, to gain power, just like real Palestinians are threat to the existing political status quo and the existing borders and governments.
EN
Migration crisis is currently one of the biggest challenges facing EU states. Te role of this issue in the German socio-political discourse in 2015–2016 is the main focus of the analysis presented in this paper. Among all members of the EU, Germany accepted majority of the migrants as a result of opening the borders in the late summer 2015.
EN
Refugees impose a variety of security, economic and environ- mental burdens on host countries, but also embody a significant flow of resources in the form of international humanitarian assistance, economic assets and human capital. This article explores the challenges and opportunities for African local communities arising from the double impact of refugee - generated resources and security problems. It argues that the potential benefit for the local peoples go beyond the burdens imposed by a mass influx. Refugee resources and security threats potentially provide long-term gains, and, by compelling the state to strengthen its grip on border areas, enable the state to „harden" its presence there. However, for host states to realize the potential of refugee resources and continue hosting refugees, they must be assisted by appropriate humanitarian programmers.
EN
The worst contemporary refugee crisis that occurred during the summer of 2015 challenged the basic values of the European Union. There had never been a time when the need for a consistent approach, both from the individual Member States and the EU as a whole, was more urgent. The Union's response during 2015's refugee crisis was unreliable, fragmented, and it largely affected the Western Balkan countries that are now aspiring to become EU Member States. This paper analyses how the EU's response to the refugee crisis has affected and still affects the countries in the Western Balkans, which are all in different stages of their European integration. The refugee crisis created many challenges for the Western Balkan countries which are all weak democracies and which have unstable institutions. This paper also analyses the numerous domestic costs connected to these countries when faced with the refugee crisis. Finally, the paper argues that, although largely harmonised with the EU acquis, the legislative and institutional frameworks for migration management in Western Balkan countries need further adjustment.
EN
My essay discusses a new attempt in young Israeli novels to break out of the suffocation and stagnation of the dominant literary protagonist. The discussion revolves around Ilai Rowner’s recent novel, Deserter (2015), which suggests ‘desertion’ as an option of to overcome nationalized structures of the self and of break new ground for its existence. The protagonist’s escape and a quest for a non-national position are destined to failure, however, reflecting the current state of political consciousness among young Israeli authors, and, I argue, the unthinkability of political exile in contemporary Israeli novels. The discussion presented here follows the renewed interest in Hanna Arendt’s exemplary essay “We Refugees” (1943) in light of the current refugees’ crisis in Europe among scholars such as Giorgio Agamben, Amal Jamal and Itamar Mann. While Agamben develops a phenomenology of being-a-refugee, severing the bond between nation and territory, his work lacks an experiential account of being a refugee. In light of this absence, I argue that Rowner’s protagonist remains blind to the particular identities he encounters, actively erasing the profound differences between deserters and refugees, persecutors and persecuted. While he recognizes the haunted element in him, Rowners’ protagonist’s obliviousness to the specific experiential trappings of his own story effectively sterilizes the novel’s political acuity through the effort to adopt an all-human perspective.
Historia i Świat
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2023
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issue 12
481–494
EN
Solidarity is a permanent component of social life. In this sense, it becomes a transformative value that clearly connects people and their projects with others. The current situation in the world sharpens the issue of human solidarity. War, migration crises, aggressive globalization, territorial elitism, consumerism, populism, and the ideologization of social discourse lead to the distortion or elimination of the idea of solidarity. Nowadays, there are multi-level and multi-directional changes and transformations in individual and social ethos. Therefore, understanding solidarity requires an analysis of the context in which it is applied, as well as basic scientific assumptions. The article addresses this issue in the context of migration. It consists of three main elements: 1/ Firstly, it explains the philosophical phenomenon of solidarity as a very complex and multi-faceted individual and social reality; 2/ It portrays solidarity as a European virtue and value, which today seems to be experiencing certain difficulties in the EU’s migration policy, particularly revealed by the refugee crisis; 3/ It presents several ways of reflecting on solidarity in the light of representatives of contemporary philosophy and theoreticians of political thought (H.G. Gadamer, J. Dean, A. Grimmel, J. Tischner). These proposals can become an opportunity and a call to reflect on solidarity in times of its axiological and actual deficit.
EN
The Netherlands is a country with traditions of both emigration and immigration. There are others in the common crucible of culture: migrants from former colonies (Indonesians, Surinams), economic migrants from the time of the economic boom in Europe in the ‘60s (Turks, Moroccans, the people of the former Yugoslavia, Italians, Spaniards), migrant workers from the European Union (Poles, Slovaks, Romanians, Bulgarians), highly qualifi ed employees of international organizations, managers of international companies, academic staff and finally the musicians and painters here who have chosen this as their place to live. The choice of this country as a case study of migratory phenomena is, therefore, by all means justifi ed. It is most interesting to look into Dutch society and see which groups of foreigners have settled in it and how they are perceived. The intent of this article is to pay special attention to the Poles who, in large numbers, after Poland’s accession to the European Union and upon access being granted to them to the Dutch labour market, chose this particular country as a “new home” for a shorter or longer period of time.
EN
The open Russian military invasion of Ukraine supported by Belarus launched in February 2022 has changed the usual state of affairs and caused the economic, humanitarian, and migration crises. Several millions of Ukrainian people had to move to safer regions of the country, and a significant share of them (mostly women, children, and elderly people) have left abroad in search of safer living conditions, which has become the worst migration crisis since the World War II. Many Ukrainian citizens have been forced to move to Russia. Poland hosts the largest number of Ukrainian citizens among the EU countries (about 60% of all refugees), much less left for Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, and Germany. Almost every European country helps Ukraine in some way or another, hosting its residents and providing asylum. The aim of this article is to investigate the tendencies and changes of forced migration in Ukraine in the conditions of war. The collective protection of displaced persons allows immediate assistance to many people in conditions of emergencies and reduces pressure on the system of asylum provision authorities. This decision provides the right to Ukrainians to live, work, and receive assistance in the EU countries avoiding the lingering process of asylum application submission and long waiting for the respective decision. The article highlights the comparison of standards for providing temporary protection of displaced persons in the EU countries that have accepted most of them. Certainly, the situation with the mass movement of people or leaving abroad will have negative consequences for Ukraine. The return of forcibly displaced from Ukraine will depend on what way of legal stay abroadthey choose (status of “forced” tourist, refugee, or temporary protection). Moreover, the duration of hostilities and effi ciency and complexity of actions taken by state and local authorities to implement economic and social reforms will have much effect. The article offers various development scenarios for Ukraine and ways and incentives for returning Ukrainian citizens to their Motherland.
EN
When joining the European integration project, countries declare that they accept the underlying common values and principles, including the principle of solidarity. The migration/refugee crisis has verifi ed the attachment to these principles. As it had happened on many occasions throughout history, in times of crisis national tendencies and interests gain the upper hand and in some countries sensible public debate is replaced by calls for a fight for a European Europe. Poland is one of thesecountries.
EN
This study focuses on the return of refugees and internally displaced persons after the end of the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the point of view of the international community. In the first part of the paper the attitude of key players is characterised, i. e. of the western powers and their part in an exceptionally targeted project of the peace-building process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The second part is focused on analysisng the evolution of repatriation strategies of the international community, their modifications as a consequence of a low success rate of the return of refugees and search for new approaches and instruments to stimulate the feeble repatriation process.
EN
For refugees, the transition from their home to the host society is especially challenging. In particular, their situation shortly after arrival entails the risk of social exclusion. Based on two case studies, this article reconstructs experiences of exclusion within the integration processes of Cameroonian refugee men and unaccompanied minors in the region of Brandenburg, Germany. What connects the studies are the existential threats of being forced to wait due to having an unclear future and a pattern of being unable to refer to (positive) lived experiences in the local environment. The article approaches these dynamics by applying Alfred Schütz as a helpful analytical heuristic to the findings. The possibilities and pitfalls of the deployed Schützean framework are highlighted considering current methodological developments in the field.
EN
The author shows the history of the immigration system and refugees in Ukraine. The discussed period of 1991–2013 is not accidental and is quite important in the process of shaping the rights of immigrants and refugees.
EN
Migration as a social phenomenon is a subject of interest to many disciplines. The fundamental question is: in which categories do we perceive the current wave of immigration in Europe. Perhaps it is a permanent migration crisis, as well in the social as in the the economic dimension or perhaps it is only a conjunctural issue. Part of European countries calculates that along with immigrants new jobs will appear, it will result in economic revival. It means that immigrants can stimulate economic but also cultural development. Therefore, you should "take a look" at the process of the migration in the micro and the macro scale. Taking into account this point of view, you should also analyze the phenomenon of contemporary migration in the multicultural context and through the adaptation processes. In their new social environment they will have to function without triggering hostility and aggression. The process of socio-professional adaptation is long and therefore it will force curren monitoring of the social and economic sciences.(original abstract)
EN
All communities of refugee backgrounds should feel supported by the state and the majority, and have the power to strive for a better quality of life, while still being able to proudly proclaim their own culture in for- mal schooling. Culturally inclusive schools appreciate diversity, perceive it as a natural part of a modern society, and encourage all individuals regardless of their cultural background, race, ethnicity, religion, beliefs, gender, or language. This study is a theoretical introduction to the pilot project concerning the expectations and experiences of parents with refugee backgrounds in the context of early learning for their children in Australia. We look at diversity and the successful inclusion of children from refugee backgrounds families into formal schooling by creating culturally inclusive, safe and supportive learning environments.
EN
The problem of discrimination and unequal treatment of women from culturally diverse backgrounds affects countries such as the Netherlands. The centuries of tolerance and openness to an “alien” seem to be ending. This is evidenced by numerous reports and scientific studies, statements from specialists, and experts on the issues of immigrant integration. Increasingly, feeling marginalised and deprived of development opportunities, immigrant or refugee women come to the fore. Some of them (those remaining in isolation) are represented by aid organisations, i.e. foundations, associations, volunteer groups, and the municipalities themselves. This article covers the existing issue of the increasing number of refugees and immigrants in the Netherlands, especially refugee and immigrant women towards whom, according to specialists, integration policy should be redefined.
PL
Podczas trwającego kryzysu migracyjnego wśród uchodźców napłynęli do Europy również młodzi ludzie pragnący podjąć studia lub kontynuować je na europejskich uczelniach wyższych. Borykają się oni z licznymi problemami, takimi jak brak znajomości języka, trudności w uznawaniu kwalifikacji zdobytych w ich rodzimych państwach i brak dokumentów potwierdzających te kwalifikacje. W badaniu autorka przygląda się próbom pomocy uchodźcom pragnącym podjąć naukę na uniwersytetach, analizując, kto podejmuje inicjatywy pomocy, jakie to są inicjatywy i czy próby te są w jakikolwiek sposób skoordynowane.
EN
Among the migrants, who have come to Europe during the migration crisis, there are young people, who are willing to start higher education or to resume their studies at European universities. They face a lot of problems, such as the lack of language skills, the necessity of qualifications acknowledgement and the lack of documents to prove their qualifications. Author researched and examined help offered to refugees, who wish to study and analyse, who offers help, what kind of help it is and whether the initiatives are coordinated in any way.
EN
The migration crisis in the European Union brought about serious repercussions for immigration policies of the Scandinavian countries. Their governments, under pressure from nationalist, populist and anti-immigration political parties and movements, allowed for renationalisation of security mechanisms as a method of risk management in the face of the external migratory pressure. Referring to the concepts of Beck and Fode, this author puts forward a thesis that security renationalisation has been the result of ineffectiveness of compensatory mechanisms introduced to the internal policies of the Scandinavian countries as a result of Europeanisation of their security policies as well as a cosmopolitan approach to global migration governance. The arguments refer to the evolution of the party systems, anti-immigration changes in domestic laws of these countries and cultural tensions.
EN
The scope of this paper focuses on the issues of forced migration. We aim to present the approaches of the European Union and the United States of America towards defining who is a forced migrant. Our analysis is based on official documents and other works published by the EU and U.S. federal government. This study is a continuation of our papers from 2016-2017 devoted to different aspects of complex migratory reality in the EU and U.S. We conclude that understanding of forced migration by both entities as expressed in the language used (and changed in time) differs, therefore prudence is necessary when comparing their policies in this field.
PL
Ludzie uciekają przed różnymi zagrożeniami dla swojego życia i codziennej egzystencji, które mogą mieć podłoże zarówno w działaniach innych ludzi, jak i w czynnikach naturalnych. Migracje przymusowe są zjawiskiem globalnym, którego przejawem jest m.in. ostatni kryzys migracyjny i uchodźczy w Europie. Nie tylko UE musi wypracować kompleksowe podejście do migracji przymusowych. W podobnej sytuacji znajdują się również Stany Zjednoczone, które doświadczają rosnącej skali migracji przymusowych z Afryki, Bliskiego Wschodu, Azji Południowej oraz Ameryk Południowej i Środkowej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie podejścia UE i USA do definiowania migranta przymusowego. W opracowaniu wykorzystano dorobek prawny i wybrane materiały publikowane przez UE i jej instytucje oraz przez amerykańskie instytucje rządowe pod kątem określonych pojęć wraz z ich definicjami, które odnoszą się do migracji przymusowych. Artykuł jest kontynuacją publikacji autorów z lat 2016-2017, poświęconych problematyce terminologii używanej do opisu poszczególnych wycinków rzeczywistości migracyjnej w UE i USA.
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