The purpose of this article is to present the role of human impact in the forming and transformation of the relief of the Aegean Islands. The most significant changes (with a displacement of more than 10 bln m3 of rock material) are related to the creation of road infrastructure and the construction of agricultural terraces. In order to create stone buildings, 20 mln m3 of rock material was used; for the purposes of air transport a surface area of nearly 2.5 km2 was levelled; many kilometres of artificial shorelines were created and at least 4.5 mln m3 of material was displaced for the purposes of the construction of artificial reservoirs of a total capacity of more than 25 mln m3. A huge amount of material was removed as a result of mining activities. The indirect impact of economic activities on the relief of the discussed area includes mainly slope, fluvial and coastal processes.
As one of the most important archaeological sites in Iran and also because of its holiness, Naqš-e Rostam was always being paid attention through historic periods. The earliest remain of the site goes back to Elamite period while many more reliefs were then added in the Achaemenian and Sasanian periods. Except for the Elamite relief which later vanished as Bahram II relief was made over it in the Sasanian period, other reliefs of Naqš-e Rostam date to Sasanian period. However, it seems that there is one more relief which must be dated to Elamite time. This includes a standing human who has raised his hand in front of his face while represented in profile facing right. The relief was firstly introduced by Roaf who attributed it to Narseh, the Sasanian king. This paper firstly describes the relief and secondly suggests an alternative Elamite date as the result of comparative investigations.
It is assumed that eight Sasanid reliefs were carved during the reign of Shapur I in 242 – 272. There is no doubt that seven of them: NRb I, NRb IV, NRm VI, VŠ I, VŠ II, VŠ III as well as that one from Rag-i Bibi depict the ruler. Identification of the king in relief from Darabgerd is subject of further disputes. What enforces dating reliefs at Naqsh-i Rajab to 242 – 244 is lack of portrayals of enemies defeated by Shapur. Starting point for more precise dating of so called triumph reliefs is identification of persons appearing in them. There is no doubt about the relief at Naqsh-i Rustam. On the basis of ŠKZ text one ought to assume that it shows Philip the Arab and Valerian thus it should be dated to 260 – 272. The problem is over dating of reliefs at Bishapur. Damages of VŠ I relief allow only identification of Philip the Arab and Gordian III that is why dating can be precise to solely 244-272. Lively discussion elicit another two reliefs of Shapur I at Bishapur . One of the most interesting hypotheses seems to be thesis advanced by B. Overlaet that Uranius Antoninus is the figure standing next to the king. Recognition of black stone of Emesa in VŠ III relief maintains the thesis. As far as stone identification seems to be sure one should deliberate if Shapur I would place in the relief a person recognized by him as not equal to himself. It is unlikely from propaganda viewpoint. In that case we can refer to the king relation to Septimius Odenathus with whom he even did not start dialog. If we interpret the arrangement of relief we have to point that its composition refers to sculptures from Apadana in Persepolis. In the context of military activities and devastations of Syria by Persian forces one should not be astonished at symbolic representation of bringing gifts Syrians. For late dating of triumph reliefs indicates their asymmetrical composition which is untypical in case of Persian sculptures. One should recognize that they could be carved by Roman craftsmen deported by Shapur I during wars with western neighbour. Anyway it does not help in more precise dating because first deportation took place already in 253. Taking Valerian as prisoner seems to be the most important success of Shapur I. The emperor undoubtedly was residing at Bishapur so in a natural way he was put in both VŠ II and VŠ III reliefs what allows their dating to 260-272. The above mentioned speculations do not make easier dating of the most controversial relief from Darabgerd what will be undoubtedly subject of future disputes.
The richly illustrated 13th century Seljuk manuscript Varqa and Gulshah from Azerbaijan provides a number of lavish miniatures, some depicting armored warriors riding horses covered with richly decorated caparisons. The illustrations show that the long caparisons were multi-layered, an indication that they were designed to provide offer some protection for the mounts. Despite the scholars’ opposing opinions, the author maintains that caparisons were well established in Islamic armies as attested by literary sources and iconography. Moreover, the existence of rich terminology concerning different types of horse armor clearly evidences the relative popularity of horse protection. Although the bardings had been were known in by various cultures for in the millennia before the Seljuks, however, the direct inspiration for the appearance of caparisons at that time should must be associated with the Sasanian tradition. Furthermore, the article discusses protective properties qualities of caparisons in which these were provided in a variety of fashions. Firstly, protection was provided could be afforded simply by padding consisting of using a number of textile layers. For instance, metallic armor such as maille or leather armor such as lamellar could have been were stitched into the padded or fabric barding. The – the former is attested in the Islamic world but can be traced back to earlier Iranian traditions.; The evidence for the latter type comes is evidenced from Firuzabad reliefs. However, scattered metal plates attached to the caparisons in random patterns, do not seem to have had any protective function; value they and were merely a the part of decoration. Post-Sasanian origin of Seljuk protective caparisons should be found well evidenced and most probable.
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