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The article is devoted to the problem of so-called Roman Stoicism - the final stage in the development of Stoic philosophy and school. The starting point is the scene of the crowning of Octavian Augustus by the goddess Oikumene on the so-called Gemma Augustea, a beautiful cameo that dates from the early reign of Emperor Tiberius. The presence of the figure of Oikumene there is puzzling because, as is well known, the term was used in Hellenistic philosophy (Stoic and Cynic) to denote the inhabited world. The fact that the figure of Oikumene was included in the imperial programme of Emperor Augustus shows that the Romans gave the concept a different meaning: in their understanding, Oikumene now meant the Roman world stricto sensu. It was a symbolic way of expressing Roman rule over the world. Thus, the figure of Oikumene on the gemma is evidence that the Romans did not passively repeat Stoic teaching, but used some of its elements to describe their rule over the world. More importantly, the very fact of having such a vast empire defined, as it were, the nature of Roman Stoicism in passing.
EN
Scholars dealing with the "Meditations" - the famous work of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius (in a Greek manuscript entitled: To Myself) - usually draw attention to its philosophical and religious dimension. This is fully understandable, since the notes of this of the ruler were in the nature of a private spiritual diary and, according to the rules of Stoic ethics, aimed at finding consolation and happiness. However, the article addresses a slightly different issue from those raised so far: the question of the 'Romanness', that is, the Roman character (Latin Romanitas) of this extraordinary literary monument. The starting point is the observation that this is a work written by a traditionally-minded, and homage to ancient values, Roman who, for nearly 20 years of his life (reigned 161-180 after Christ) held, in addition, the highest position in the Roman empire (Imperium Romanum). This means that, on a par with a philosophical reading of the treatise (and one that dominated scholarly research for many years, especially works on the history of philosophy), a political interpretation of this writing is fully justified. The adjective 'political' should not, of course, be understood here in its modern, narrow sense of the term, but rather in its Greek sense, denoting all the matters relating to the state.
EN
The disturbing power of the passions or affections, collectively known as πάθος, was the subject of a remarkable debate in Graeco-Roman philosophical schools, as well as in Philo of Alexandria and soon among various early Christian authors. This paper contributes to the recent approach to this subject but also explores new contexts. It examines cosmological (myth), anthropological (the mind – emotions relation) and theological (salvation) ways of addressing that problematic supremacy of emotions. Although it summarises earlier philosophical views, it focuses on Christian documents from the second century and their witness to that ancient debate. By comparison with the diversity of Christian views on the passions, the paper highlights the diverse ‘therapies’ proposed by Christian authors. In conclusion, it points out common motifs among Christian responses to the passions, as well as the differences in their remedies.
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