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Constitution of the Republic of Poland as the Foundation of Democratic Society and State

100%
Osiński J.
Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociology
|
2010
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vol. 1
|
issue 2
123-142
EN
Following the downfall of communist rule in 1989, most countries in Central and Eastern Europe promptly adopted new constitutions. In Poland, however, the constitutional debate consumed eight years. The paper aims at exploring the still relevant question whether the constitutional process should proceed more vigorously so that legal foundations of the newly restored democratic state could be laid right after the systemic change. It is argued that protracting disputes eventually allowed for adopting a constitution based on a broad consensus, thus contributed to a long-term political stability of the country.
2
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Plakaty wyborcze kandydatów Komitetu Obywatelskiego z Lechem Wałęsą

72%
Cherek A.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
|
2013
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vol. 18
384-410
EN
The article solves the mystery of the “Citizens’ Committee with Lech Wałęsa” election posters that paved the way to the victory of Solidarity in June 1989. For 25 years the issue of posters has not raised any controversy. The historians presupposed that each member of the Committee had had an election poster with the leader of Solidarity movement on it. The article refutes that myth. Having analyzed historical documents and eyewitness memories, the author uncovers which candidates did not have this kind of poster.
3
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Geneza rządu Tadeusza Mazowieckiego – aktorzy pierwszego i drugiego planu

58%
Nałęcz T.
Społeczeństwo i Polityka
|
2019
|
issue 3(60)
183-200
PL
Streszczenie: Artykuł jest nowym politologicznym wyjaśnieniem genezy rządu T. Mazowieckiego. Omawia rozwój wydarzeń politycznych w 1989 r. od zawarcia kontraktu okrągłego stołu do podjęcia decyzji o powołaniu pierwszego od 1945 r. niekomunistycznego premiera w Polsce. Za najważniejszy czynnik sprawczy tego zwrotu uznaje społeczne protesty wywołane decyzją rządu Rakowskiego o urynkowieniu cen żywności. Przeraziły one gen. W. Jaruzelskiego i jego najbliższych współpracowników: gen. Cz. Kiszczaka i gen. F. Siwickiego. Obawiając się społecznego buntu, generałowie porozumieli się z hierarchami Kościoła i uzgodnili powołanie na premiera wskazanego przez episkopat T. Mazowieckiego. Artykuł docenia znaczenie czynnika uważanego dotąd za główną przyczynę powstania rządu T. Mazowieckiego, czyli rozbicie przez L. Wałęsę koalicji PZPR z ZSL i SD, ale przypisuje mu mniejszą od buntu społecznego rolę sprawczą.
EN
This political science article proposes a new explanation of the genesis of T. Mazowiecki’s government. It describes the political events of 1989 from the conclusion of the Round Table contract to the decision on the designation of the fi rst noncommunist Prime Minister in Poland since 1945. The article identifi es the public protest initiated by Rakowski’s government’s decision to subject food prices to market forces as the reason for this development. Fearing a revolt, General W. Jaruzelski and his closest collaborators, General Cz. Kiszczak and General F. Siwicki, came to an understanding with Church hierarchy, and agreed to designate the episcopacy’s choice – T. Mazowiecki – as Prime Minister. The article recognizes that L. Wałęsa’s efforts to split the coalition of the Polish United Workers Party with the United People’s Party and the Alliance of Democrats played an important role in the creation of T. Mazowiecki’s government, however it attaches more importance to public protest, contrary to the current scientifi c consensus.
4
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Radykalizm czasu przełomu czyli spór o Okrągły Stół w latach 1988–1989

58%
Kaliski B.
Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały
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2016
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issue 14
PL
Przygotowania do Okrągłego Stołu i negocjacje między stroną społeczną (Solidarnością) a rządową (PZPR) w 1989 r. wywoływały różne krytyczne oceny w kręgach opozycji demokratycznej. Okrągły Stół przez wiele lat był punktem spornym debat historycznych i politycznych. Artykuł prezentuje sposoby argumentacji politycznych przeciwników Okrągłego Stołu – radykałów, którzy w latach 1988–1989 kontestowali linię działania Lecha Wałęsy i jego otoczenia.
EN
The Round Table (February – April 1989) has been a thorny issue for many years, igniting debates among historians and politicians of the Third Polish Republic, and opinions about it – favourable or unfavourable – corresponded with the opinions of general achievements of the transformation of the Polish political system. Already during the negotiations, the Round Table talks caused controversies and deepened personal and ideological divisions within Solidarność and the opposition. The end of 1988 brought about the emergence of a tendency to contest the line of action of Wałęsa and his circle, and especially rejected the need of Round Table talks with the communist government. The tendency was shared by political groups originating from Solidarność and newly formed political parties, numerous but weak, existing on the margin. The article presents the most important arguments of political opponents of the Round Table talks – the radicals of the crucial time of changes in 1988 and 1989. The author answers the question whether it is right to use the term “radicalism” and attempts to determine the scope of a social base of radicals; he points out that many arguments put forward by the opponents of the negotiations were also presented by journalists and oppositionists supporting Lech Wałęsa. He thus advances a thesis that it was not political concepts that distinguished radicals from the rest of the opposition, but their specific psychological attitude; this, however, requires further study.
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