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EN
According to he author of this article, Prof. Miao Huashou – from the Euro-Asian Social Development Research Institute and from the Development Research Center of the PRCh State Council, Russian diplomacy may boast of many great successes in 2006. Russia once again creates its image of a great empire by demonstrating its geopolitical and economic influences. The country underlines this way its position of an empire equal to the USA. It will continue to strengthen its influences in the Commonwealth of Independent States and undertake all the efforts aiming to development of strategic partnership with the EU on equal rules. It will also develop its contacts with the USA, as well as it will continue political dialogue and economic cooperation with other, great world powers.
EN
In the paper Autor to explores so called conservative backlash, which took place in 2012 and which is still ongoing. The conservative backlash can be understood as a process of spreading the conservative ideas and traditional values for political purposes – primarily to legitimized Vladimir’s Putin’s third tenure as a President after economic crisis and mass protests. As a consequence of the conservative backslash Duma passed range of law i.e. „foreign agent” law, blasphemy law and forbid of homosexual propaganda among minors. What is also worth emphasising is that the conservative reform created a noticeable split in Russian society (traditional Russians vs. westernized liberals), with is widespread in public and media discourse. As a result some citizens started to be consider as a not only worse citizen, but in fact excluded them from Russian community.
EN
Articles in Foreign Affairs have always been an informative collection of opinions, which allowed understanding how the U.S., and especially its intellectuals that comment on international relations, perceive other countries and their foreign policies. Then when an international crisis comes, such as the one in Ukraine in 2014 and the subsequent annexation of Crimea, one wonders if the Western analysts might have predicted such outcome. The article analyzes more than three dozen Foreign Affairs publications from 1999 to 2013 and concludes that the authors held rather close-minded views when it comes to foreign policy analysis. They did not present a holistic standpoint, but tried to answer all questions with only a limited number of tools and foci. It is also concluded that combining the realist, liberal internationalist and constructivist attitudes would have allowed for a more comprehensive analysis of the process of creation of Russian foreign policy.
EN
Russian hybrid approach is based on their understanding of threats; Russians feel themselves as victims of Western policies, sanctions and information policy. According to Russian military doctrine and theory, information warfare is conducted continuously in peacetime and wartime alike. The Russian elite consider comprehensive hybrid approach as one of the most important elements in foreign affairs. It uses a combination of tools, such as wide-ranging political and diplomatic commitment, the leverage of the energy, economic retaliation, strengthening of the military capabilities, development assistance, propaganda, intelligence and cyber activities. The priorities of Russian information operations are promoting special bilateral relations with EU member states while exploiting the different interests and contradictions within EU. The goal of mediacampaigns and propaganda is to undermine dominant Western media sources and narratives. As part of information operations Russia has begun to cooperate with and support radical and anti-establishment groups in the EU. The effectiveness of Russian information policy abroad comes at high costs but it is still limited in its outcomes. Russian policy in the EU will be increasingly directed towards polarization of different institutions, countries, parties and particular interest groups.
EN
While the scope of the paper is to assess the actions undertaken by the European Union towards the FSU-CIS (the former Soviet Union, Commonwealth of Independent States) which was manifested through the Eastern Partnership Initiative in the years 2008–2014, the focus will be centred on theoretical concepts and their ‘explanatory power’ rather than actions undertaken by European or Russian decision makers. Taking that into the account, this essay will critically assess the explanatory power of the neorealist school of thought which although overtly criticized, still remains a viable tool in explaining the processes occurring in international relations.
RU
В этой статье автор хочет проверить влияние экономического национализма на изменения во внешней политике России. В своем анализе он обратится к неоклассическому реализму, который показывает, как сочетать вопросы распределения силы в международных отношениях с влиянием внутреннего уровня государства на формирование внешней политики. С точки зрения неоклассического реализма, экономический национализм это переменная, которая формирует восприятие экономических вызовов, с которыми сталкивается Россия. Автор показывает также, что экономический национализм связан с протекционистской политикой Российской Федерации. Таким образом, он влияет на формирование процессов внутри страны и за ее пределами. Автор признает, что в процессе формирования российских внешнеполитических решений экономический национализм должен быть cвязан с другими факторами, прежде всего с вопросами безопасности и общей стратегической культурой России, чтобы получить окончательный набор предпосылок, определяющих сдвиги России во внешней политике. Напряженность, связанная с ролью ЕС и НАТО в странах Восточной Европы, явно повлияла на уровень сотрудничества между Россией и Западом. Тем не менее экономические вопросы в этом отношении также были крайне важны. Силовое положение России основывалось на экономическом потенциале.
EN
In this article, the author wants to test the impact of economic nationalism on the change in Russia’s foreign policy. The author will refer to neoclassical realism, which shows how to combine the issues of power distribution in international relations with the influence of the domestic level of the state on the process of creation of the foreign policy. In terms of neoclassical realism, economic nationalism is a variable that shapes the perception of the economic challenges facing Russia. The author also points out that economic nationalism is also related to the protectionist policy of the Russian Federation. Thus, it influences the shaping of processes within and outside the country. The author recognizes that in the process of creating the Russian foreign policy decisions, economic nationalism should be linked to other factors, especially security issues and Russia’s general strategic culture, in order to obtain the final set of premises that will determine Russia’s shifts in foreign policy. The tensions related to the role of the EU and NATO in the countries of Eastern Europe clearly influenced the level of cooperation between Russia and the West. Nevertheless, economic issues in this regard were also extremely important. Russia’s power position was based on the economic potential.
EN
This article claims that the legacy of European imperialism and colonialism in Africa can be conceptually compared to the legacy of Russian and Soviet imperialism and colonialism in the former USSR republics and the nations of Central and Easter Europe that were under Soviet dominations. Despite the obvious fact that the historical conditions and paths of African nations that were colonized, repressed and ruled by the European empires differ significantly from the experience of the nations of Eastern Europe and Central Asia, that were conquered and colonized by the Russian Empire and later on were subjects to the Soviet rule, it is suggested in this article, that the conceptual lessons drawn from the vast literature dedicated to the studies of the aftermath of colonialism in Africa can enrich the scholarly efforts aimed at understanding the post-soviet spaces and different processes in it. What is meant by “conceptual lessons” is methodological opportunity for a different perspective or even a different lens through which the legacy of the Soviet rule and the current Russian neo-imperial foreign politics can be better understood. Much is written about the European imperialism and its colonial policies, however there is still some reluctance in applying the methodological framework of postcolonial studies to the former Soviet Union and present day Russia. Scholars all over the world studied the colonial legacies that African nations struggled to overcome and there are topics of particular relevance to the study of the post-soviet space: the processes of post-colonial nation building, the roles of new national elites, the ideological choices in foreign policies of newly independent nations, the aftermath of the policies of assimilation, the imperial “ideologies of superiority”, the economic consequences of colonialism, the role of churches and religious organizations in supporting colonial suppression – as conceptual topics, all of them can be studied critically, also in a comparative perspective, to have a much better understanding of the former soviet and current Russian foreign politics and policies.
EN
The glorification of the Soviet victory over Nazism is the focal point of Russia’s politics of history and an element of the ideological offensive that aims to legitimise Russian great-power ambitions. The narrative centred on the victory has a strong religious, not to say, messianic dimension. It aims to whitewash the dark chapters of Soviet history and legitimise the wars Moscow waged after 1945. According to the contemporary neo-Soviet interpretations, these wars were always defensive and justified by external circumstances. At the same time, distinctly anti-Western rhetoric is becoming more and more perceptible in Russian propaganda. The repeated accusations of “eternal” attempts by the West to destroy Russia and destabilise the global order are intensifying. The official discourse is marked by the nostalgia for the lost empire and the “concert of powers” that was established at the Yalta conference; it also seeks to justify violence as a tool of foreign policy. Its overriding aim is to legitimise the authoritarian regime and Moscow’s contemporary strategic goals, such as the hegemony in the post-Soviet area and the reshaping of the European security architecture. The official narrative is promoted by the state institutions, the educational system, the Kremlin-controlled media outlets and a network of social organisations subsidised by the state. It is also safeguarded by the administrative and criminal law and the apparatus of repression.
RU
После российского вторжения в Украину в феврале 2022 года внешняя политика Москвы в отношении постсоветского пространства стала еще более серьезной проблемой. Чтобы лучше понять поведение России на постсоветском пространстве, стоит проанализировать, что привело к возобновлению интереса Москвы к этой сфере. Существует множество версий, объясняющих политику России по отношению к своим соседям, но они часто сосредоточены на материальных факторах или российских имперских комплексах. Чтобы устранить существующий разрыв и изучить изменения в отношении Москвы к региону, в данной статье будет использована ролевая теория и проанализированы сдвиги в представлениях о национальной роли России. Утверждается, что сочетание важных внешних и внутренних факторов привело к изменению восприятия международных обязанностей и ответственности России в период между приходом Путина к власти и его возвращением на пост президента в 2012 г. Следовательно, эти изменения привели к различному пониманию роли России на посту президента. - Советское пространство, что впоследствии повлияло на все более агрессивные действия России в регионе.
EN
With the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Moscow’s foreign policy towards the post-Soviet space has become an even greater area of concern. In order to better understand Russia’s behaviour in the post-Soviet space, it is worth analysing what led to Moscow’s renewed interest in this area. There are numerous accounts explaining Russia’s policies towards its neighbourhood, but they often focus on material factors or Russian imperial complexes. To address the existing gap and examine changes in Moscow’s attitude towards the region, this paper will use role theory and analyse shifts in Russia’s national role conceptions. It argues that the combination of important external and internal factors led to changes in perception of Russia’s international duties and responsibilities between Putin’s rise to power and his return to the presidency in 2012. Consequently, these changes resulted in different understanding of Russia’s role in the post-Soviet space, which had implications for Russia’s increasingly aggressive actions in the region afterwards.
PL
Celem artykułu jest syntetyczne ukazanie źródeł rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Unii Europejskiej. Zasadniczą tezą jest stwierdzenie, że najważniejszą motywacją polityki zagranicznej Moskwy jest utrzymanie władzy przez obecny rząd. W tym celu Moskwa świadomie kreuje kontrolowany konfl ikt z Zachodem aby wywołać efekt skupienia zagrożonego narodu wobec władzy w celu poprawy jej legitymizacji nadszarpniętej przez trudności gospodarcze.
EN
The main goal of this article is to synthetically depict the sources of Russian foreign policy, especially with regard to the European Union. The central thesis is, that the main driver behind Russian international conduct is the preservation of power by current government. To do so Moscow intentionally orchestrates controlled confl ict with the West to induce the rally-around-the-leaders effect. It is supposed to augment the legitimization of the authorities which has been diminished by the economic hardships.
PL
Autor niniejszego artykułu stawia tezę, że podstawowym problemem w relacjach Rosja–Zachód jest odniesienie obu podmiotów do szeroko rozumianej sfery wartości politycznych w obszarze stosunków międzynarodowych. Pogląd ten jest rozwijany na trzech głównych płaszczyznach: 1) podstawowego paradygmatu interpretacji stosunków międzynarodowych w Rosji, czyli realizmu; 2) konsekwencji tego podejścia dla miejsca Rosji w stosunkach międzynarodowych; oraz 3) znaczenia dla Rosji współpracy gospodarczej z partnerami zachodnimi.
EN
The author of this paper argues that the basic problem in relations between Russia and the West concerns political values shared by these entities in the area of international relations. This paper examines the problem on the three basic levels: (1) the basic paradigm of interpretation of international relations in Russia, i.e. realism; (2) the consequences of this approach for Russia’s place in international relations; and (3) the importance for Russia of economic cooperation with Western partners.
PL
Aneksja Krymu nie wydaje się być zwykłym wydarzeniem we współczesnych stosunkach międzynarodowych. Od czasów II wojny światowej nie doszło jeszcze do precedensu w Europie, kiedy jedno państwo na podstawie wątpliwych przesłanek forsownie aneksowało fragment innego państwa. Ten artykuł ma za zadanie analizę aneksji Krymu w kontekście trwającego kryzysu ukraińskiego i określenie podstaw agresywnej polityki Rosji w regionie Morza Czarnego. W tym celu zostały podjęte następujące kroki. Przede wszystkim przeanalizowane zostały ostatnie wypowiedzi rosyjskich urzędników i oficjalne dokumenty Kremla. Po drugie, opisana i wyjaśniona została (poprzez zastosowanie metodologii meta-geografii i soft power security) ulubiona taktyka Kremla do osiągania swoich celów geopolitycznych. Po trzecie, przedstawione zostały perspektywy rozwoju Krymu uwzględniające jego stopniową transformację w antynatowską twierdzę.
EN
The annexation of Crimea is not an ordinary event in contemporary international relations. Since WWII, there has been no precedent in Europe when one state under dubious premises has forcefully annexed a part of another state. This article scrutinizes the Crimean case in the context of the ongoing Ukrainian crisis and uncovers the rationale behind Russia’s aggressive policies in the Black Sea Region. To accomplish this task, several steps have been undertaken. Primarily, the recent speeches of Russian officials and Kremlin-originated documents have been analyzed. Secondly, the tactics favored by the Kremlin to achieve its geopolitical goals have been explained and assessed (through applying frameworks of meta-geography and soft power security). Thirdly, the future prospects for Crimea with its gradual transformation in the counter- NATO fortress have been outlined.
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