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PL
Francja po II wojnie światowej straciła na krótko pozycję decydenta w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Jej dyplomacja dostosowała się jednak szybko do systemu dwubiegunowego. W polityce zagranicznej zaczęto stosować zasadę manewrowania pomiędzy ZSRR, Stanami Zjednoczonymi i Wielką Brytanią oraz współtworzyć struktury przyszłej Unii Europejskiej. To w UE Francja znalazła miejsce do wzmocnienia swojej roli mediatora i arbitra. Obecnie we francuskiej polityce zagranicznej występuje wiele ciągłości wywodzących się jeszcze z okresu XIX wieku i lat 1918–1939, ale i pewne modyfikacje związane z wypracowywaniem przez to państwo nowych kierunków w polityce zagranicznej, dopasowywaniem taktyki do głównych celów mających zapewnić Francji bezpieczeństwo, silną pozycję w UE i na świecie.
EN
After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
EN
The past is one of the traditional sources of inspiration for political discourse; it can provide very important arguments underpinning current political objectives. Even though both French presidents analyzed in this paper, Jacques Chirac (1995–2007) and Nicolas Sarkozy (2007–2012), were representatives of the post-Gaullist right in the French political arena, their approach to the past and their decisions to use it for their own political purposes were very different. The autor of this paper thinks that Chirac impersonated a “repentant“ attitude towards difficult times in the national past. Sarkozy on the other hand wanted to forge a vision of one common great history that every French person should be proud of. Even though the positions of the two French presidents vis-à- -vis the national past were different. The author argues that both of them made substantial use of memory in their communications. This paper provides quantitative lexicometry analysis comparing the use of key history-linked words in the two presidents’ statements.
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