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EN
As one of the most important archaeological sites in Iran and also because of its holiness, Naqš-e Rostam was always being paid attention through historic periods. The earliest remain of the site goes back to Elamite period while many more reliefs were then added in the Achaemenian and Sasanian periods. Except for the Elamite relief which later vanished as Bahram II relief was made over it in the Sasanian period, other reliefs of Naqš-e Rostam date to Sasanian period. However, it seems that there is one more relief which must be dated to Elamite time. This includes a standing human who has raised his hand in front of his face while represented in profile facing right. The relief was firstly introduced by Roaf who attributed it to Narseh, the Sasanian king. This paper firstly describes the relief and secondly suggests an alternative Elamite date as the result of comparative investigations.
EN
In the current paper the author discusses headgear represented on Kušān medallions showing the bust of King Huviška. Most likely those medallions are depicting pre-Islamic lamellar helmets, well known from for example on the Sasanian, Bīsetūn capital currently held in Ṭāq-e Bostān Museum, Iran. The author will try to compare the presented lamellar constructions with known finds of such helmets of the pre-Islamic era.
EN
We present the preliminary results of our recent find, a circular pond, and its surrounding structures, built in stone masonry of Sasanian tradition in the Dehbarm village, west Firuzabad Plain (Fars, Iran). We elaborate on this site and suggest it belongs to the Early Sasanian Ardashir-Xurra (Ardašīr-Xwarrah), the first Sasanian capital and complex urban plan of the Firuzabad plain. Based on comparable finds, we interpret Dehbarm as a garden settlement, a so-called paradise, and consider it a case study for water management and landscape manipulation of the Late Antiquity in the Greater Fars. Additionally, we ponder on the broader aspect of spring-fed ponds in the Sasanian architectural tradition. Further investigation, as well as extensive fieldwork, is planned to address this aspect.
EN
This article analyzes the scene of the Sasanian king combating a lion in two rock reliefs. Most Sasanian Bas-reliefs belong to the first 150 years of the dynasty and most are located in modern Fars province. The reliefs typically depict the king’s investiture by a deity (who is usually Ahurā Mazdā, but, in some reliefs, Mithra or Anāhitā), the king with courtiers, the king with his family, the king at war, the king’s triumph over his enemies, and the king fighting and hunting wild animals. Two of the bas-reliefs of the king killing animals show him killing lions. One is located at Sar Mašhad and the other, less-known, is kept in the Haft-Tanān Museum, Shiraz, and was discovered at the foothills of Pahnu (Pahnā) Mount in Dārāb. In the ancient Near East, the lion symbolized power, courage, and ferociousness: whoever could confront it successfully was regarded as powerful and brave; consequently, many kings have been portrayed fighting lions (and other wild animals) during this period.
EN
Research of the Irano-Roman relations seems dominated by teh military perspective. This situation is cause by the very nature of the sources which mention both states mostly in light of the warfare waged between them. Equally fascinating are the diplomatic relations between Rome and Iran. One of the most interesting aspects of non-military relations are financial flows between both states. According to John Lydos, king Yazgerd was to offer emperor Theodosius II (408-450) building together a fortress which was to block the passage through Caucasus. At the same time the king demanded from the emperor participation in the costs of the defense of the fortress. The problem of the reconciliation of the payments for defending of the Caucasian frontier became the grudge between the states making the rectification of the relationships even more difficult. The key problem seems to determine the peace negotiations which initiated Iranian claim towards the Empire. The second problem might be the motives which drove Iranian monarchs in their financial claims towards the emperors.
EN
The rock relief discovered in Rag-e Bibi in Northern Afghanistan in 2002 remains an archaeological sensation. The archery equipment depicted there has not yet been studied. The article describes the bow cases combined with quivers and associates them with the same type of kit popular in Eurasia related with spread of the recurved bows with stiff bone or horn extensions of Xiong Nu/Hunnic type. This type of bows replaced shorter 'Scythian' type of bows in 1st-2nd century CE. The integrated bow case and quiver went out of use soon before the rise of the Sasanians therefore Rag-e Bibi cannot be linked with this dynastic art, based also on the depicted elements of material culture, as well as on stylistic grounds.
EN
In the historical period, the Fars region in Iran was one of the most important cultural areas in the world, and it is considered the origin of the ancient Achaemenid and Sasanian empires. Although some areas of Sarchahan county have been studied well, no archaeological survey has been conducted there until the construction of Khansaar Dam and rescue operations in its area. As part of an archaeological survey in the Toujerdi district of Sarchahan county, 92 cairn burials were found. According to the survey conducted in five areas around Khansaar Dam, the distribution of cairn burials, commonly known as Khereftkhaneh, has been identified. From Pakistan to the west of Iran, this type of burial method can be observed, and the burials of Toujerdi region can be considered associated with burials from the Parthian and Sasanian periods.
EN
This research investigated the archaeological site of Tol-e Khezr in Firuzabad with the purpose of establishing a relative chronology. This site is among those whose pottery has been less extensively studied, and it also boasts a strategic location. Therefore, the site of Tol-e Khezr was selected for systematic sampling and investigation of its structures to ascertain its relative chronology and usage as accurately as possible. A methodical approach was chosen for the investigation of Tol-e Khezr, consisting of three steps: mapping, sampling, and documentation of the findings (including washing the pottery, registering the pottery fragments, entering the information of the findings into SPSS software, selecting the diagnostic samples, drawing the diagnostic samples, and photographing the samples). In this methodical way, 50% of all grids were sampled, with the form of every other grid. This included 30 grids of 10 x 10 meters. The number of all gathered pottery comprised 644 pieces. To interpret the pottery, we considered 12 variables for them, and the information on each piece was entered into the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) according to these variables. One of the most essential classifications relates to the typology of Tol-e Khezr pottery forms, which parallels various surveyed and excavated areas' findings in Iran and beyond. Furthermore, the survey revealed that, in addition to typical pottery, three distinct types of ceramic were identified: coarse with raised bands, glazed (alkaline), and ceramics with a dark slip coating. At this firm, architecture and its details in visible and exposed areas were documented, described, analyzed, and compared.
EN
The Himyarite slab from Zafar contains several distinctive features shared with some Parthian and Sasanian art pieces, but its relation with Naqš-e Rostam friezes proposed by Yule and Robin does not seem convincing. 1. It shows a rider clad in long scale armor analogically to a terracotta tile from the British Museum (fig. 9); 2. There is an infantry attendant with an axe depicted over the mount’s rump similarly to the Tang-e Sarvak frieze, where there are two foot warriors and a battle axe too (fig. 7); The horse position on Tang-e Sarvak is either standing or rearing as on discussed relief. 3. Round shield and raised right hand with a lance as on Ṭāq-e Bostān relief (fig. 12). 4. The layout of the original piece must have therefore been squarish rather than horizontally extended, with the opponent of the main figure marginalized. Therefore Himyarite artisans either followed unknown or not preserved Iranian iconographic pattern or combined the features of different canons. Yule and Robin have pointed out that simple snaffle was depicted in place of elaborate and decorative Sasanian bridle, an element usually pronounced in Sasanian art but not always clearly marked in Parthian iconography, especially in smaller objects. It cannot be however excluded that the slab rather follows a Roman tradition captured in local taste.
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