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EN
The reform of the United Nations Security Council is the core of the overall UN reform because of the Council s main responsibility for maintaining international peace and security that is the major goal of the UN activity. Countries shall especially focus on strengthening the Council s status, authority and enhancing its capacity towards new threats and challenges that increased in international relations (mainly counter-terrorism, non-proliferation of the weapons of mass destruction, combating transnational crimes and human rights violations and mitigating local conflicts). So far, almost all of the recommendations of the Security Council s reform have been focused on one problem - the enlargement of this UN body. The only proposal concerning the working and voting manner, is project presented by the S-5 Group, which shows, that the priorities of the reform presented by countries aren’t in accordance with the High-level Panel and Koffi Annan’s suggestions. According to the opinion of China, first of all, the reform has to be multidimensional and covering not only Security Council s enlargement by new countries, but also shall base on improvement of its working methods and transparency. Secondly, the Security Council enlargement should assure the representation of developing countries (especially African countries) which constitute over 2/3 of the overall number of members of the UN. Thirdly, the enlargement must be connected with ensuring small and medium-sized countries possibilities to participate in process of decision-making in Security Council. Moreover, the membership enlargement should be negotiated within regional groups, then discussed on the United Nations forum. Furthermore, the new composition must reflect fair representation of different cultures and regions and uphold geographical balance. The reform should be carried out in a democratic way and be based on mutual consultations in order to achieve consensus and have gradual character. The People s Republic of China rejects time- frame to make common decisions, because the member states of the UN may not reach common agreement and they would be enforced to take decisions, which have not been discussed yet. So far, neither did China present its own draft of the UN Security Council membership enlargement and voting manner after the reform, nor join the proposals of the above groups of countries. They only prepared a general plan of the reform.
EN
This article deals with the interpretation of Security Council powers under the UN Charter, and analyses available interpretive options. The various approaches, inspired by the textual, teleological, “subsequent practice”, and “systemic” methods of interpretation, as well as the complementary means of interpretation supplied by the preparatory works of San Francisco Conference, are successively considered and their relative advantages and shortcomings comparatively assessed. The article argues that recourse to one or the other from among the available interpretive methods can be influenced in individual cases by political and judicial contingencies, and that as a whole the interpretation of Security Council powers under the Charter is an evolving process, the variations of which may depend on the changing needs of collective security and of the international legal order at large.
EN
The political and legal problem of a state of exception, whereby a state deviates from its normal constitutional and legal order in response to a real or perceived emergency, has generated much debate. Critics contend that the use of a state of exception really is an exception that swallows the rule, with the potential to corrode the entire legal order. The first part of this article explores international law's attempt to put limits upon countries use of state of exception, as enforced by Human Rights Committee of the United Nations. Secondly, the author looks at the broader question of whether or not the U.N., as a super-state, itself uses states of exception, and what, if any, limits are placed upon it.
EN
This article addresses the question of the obligations of both the Security Council as such, as well of its individual members (including the five permanent members), when faced with genocide or in situations where violations of the Geneva Conventions are being committed, given that the contracting parties of the Genocide Convention are under a positive obligation to prevent genocide and are under an obligation to secure respect for the provisions of the Geneva Conventions.
EN
Review of a book: Vesselin Popovski, Trudy Fraser (eds.), The Security Council as Global Legislator, Routledge, New York: 2014
EN
Both States and international organizations are subjects of international law. They possess an international legal personality, which also implies international responsibility in case of breach of their obligations. This contribution presents the argument that also the UN Security Council is not legibus solutus, therefore its acts may entail the responsibility of the Organization. A problem remains in the implementation of such responsibility.
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EN
The Author examines the role and mandate of the UN Security Council with reference to the climate change. The latter became to be regarded as a threat to peace and international security. This notion has evolved and now it encompasses not only armed conflicts or human rights violations but also climate change or HIV/AIDS or Ebola virus. The author analyses UN Security Council resolutions that refer to climate change as a threat to international peace and security.
PL
Autorka analizuje role i mandat Rady Bezpieczeństwa w odniesieniu do zmian klimatu. Zmiany te zaczęto postrzegać jako zagrożenie dla pokoju i bezpieczeństwa na świecie. Ten ostatni termin ewoluował i obecnie obejmuje nie tylko konflikty zbrojne lub naruszenia praw człowieka, ale także zmiany klimatu lub epidemię HIV/AIDS lub wirusa Eboli. W artykule analizie poddano przede wszystkim rezolucje Rady Bezpieczeństwa dotyczące zmian klimatu jako zagrożenia dla pokoju i bezpieczeństwa na świecie.
EN
The Security Council’s new activism, particularly in the field of “individualized sanctions”, gives impetus to the debate on whether, and to what extent, the most powerful organ of the UN should be subject to judicial review. This article analyses and categorizes the various strategies already employed in international courts, such as, e.g., “denial of justice”, incidental control, full review of implementing acts, the “as-long-as” rule, and various instruments of judicial self-restraint. The author suggests that “jurisdiction”, understood as encompassing the procedural aspects of the problem, should be regarded as a “door-opener” to judicial review. As regards its substantive dimension, the existence of primary responsibilities on both sides (the Security Council and the judiciary) should be taken into consideration. The author demonstrates that the principle of loyalty and cooperation means, on the one hand, respect by the Security Council for judicial review from inside of the UN system, and on the other hand, respect for Security Council prerogatives from external courts. Taking into account the evolution of a duty of loyal cooperation between different systems within the global legal order, and in expectation that the ICJ will defend the international rule of law, we may speak of a “modern vision of the administration of justice.”
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EN
The article discusses the policy of unified Germany in the UN Security Council in the terms of 1995-1996, 2003-2004, 2011-2012 and 2019-2020, focusing in particular on the last two-year period. It aims to identify the main areas of German involvement and outline the process of shaping a vision of Germany's global role. The subsequent terms of Germany in the UN SC are characterized by increasing involvement, which led to taking over by Germany in 2019-2020 of the global presidency (or co-presidency) in Germany's priority areas of responsibility, which include: conflict prevention, counteracting climate change and its consequences for security, strengthening the protection of women, supporting compliance with humanitarian law and disarmament. Concomitantly a second thesis may be put forward that in these areas in the years 2019-2020 Germany’s activity took a formative form. The last German term in UN SC also showed Germany’s increasing effectiveness in integrating large groups of countries around its demands and priorities. Those theses were verified by inductive inference combining distributed source data. The research problem is explained by two approaches: (1) individualistic, interpreting Germany's aspirations to shape global politics in accordance with the assumptions appropriate to its internal documents, mainly the coalition agreements of the ruling parties, and (2) structuralist, perceiving the manner and scope of the states' involvement in the global peace and security processes as an inevitable process leading to the commonality of professed values and mutual adjustment of states.
EN
This article explores the legal principles that govern the interpretation of “secondary instruments” in international law. A “secondary instrument” under international law is, for the purposes of this article, a written document adopted by a body empowered by a treaty to take action with respect to the treaty, but which is not itself a treaty. Such instruments find increasing application in international law. The article specifically examines the interpretation of secondary instruments arising in five settings in international practice: the United Nations Security Council, the International Maritime Organization, the International Seabed Authority, the International Whaling Commission, and conferences/meetings of the parties under multilateral treaties. This selection of practice will serve to illustrate principles of interpretation across a range of international institutional settings for the purpose of determining the rights and obligations of state-parties to a treaty regime.
EN
The subject of this paper touches upon the prohibition to use force, and military force in particular, by States in self-defence. This is a classical example of an important and still very topical issue in international law practice. The right of each State to self-defence is perceived as one of the fundamental rights provided for in customary as well as positive international law. And yet, the exercise of this right has always raised many controversies and questions resulting, on the one hand, from the fact that the concept of self-defence has evolved over years, and, on the other hand, because of the recent tendencies to legalise different military actions carried out outside the framework of the United Nations Charter. These tendencies, presented in the paper in the context of military actions taken by states in situations of a potential terrorist attack, are described as either a pre-emptive, or a preventive use of military force. The author then concludes that although in the event of a pre-emptive military action taken by a State in reliance of its right to self-defence it may be justified to rely on the legal construction of self-defence, in the context of a preventive military operation, such reliance would be much more risky, if not inadmissible. A preventive use of military force fails to meet the criteria of legality of self-defence set forth in the UN Charter, as well as those resulting from international customary law.
PL
Problematyka artykułu nawiązuje do klasycznej, ale niezwykle ważnej i aktualnej w praktyce międzynarodowej problematyki zakazu użycia siły, zwłaszcza siły zbrojnej. Dotyczy bowiem możliwości podejmowania i realizowania przez państwa działań zbrojnych pod postacią samoobrony. Prawo każdego państwa do użycia siły w ramach samoobrony było i jest postrzegane jako jedno z praw fundamentalnych, gwarantowanych zarówno przez zwyczajowe, jak i pozytywne prawo międzynarodowe. Jego realizacja w praktyce budzi jednak wiele kontrowersji i pytań. Są one związane zarówno z ewolucją samej instytucji samoobrony, jak również z nowymi tendencjami w zakresie legalizowania różnych akcji zbrojnych dokonywanych poza ramami Karty Narodów Zjednoczonych. Autor prezentuje te tendencje, zwłaszcza w kontekście działań zbrojnych podejmowanych przez państwa w sytuacji potencjalnego zagrożenia atakami terrorystycznymi, a określanych jako uprzedzające i prewencyjne użycie siły. W konkluzji autor stwierdza, że o ile w wypadku zbrojnej operacji uprzedzającej uzasadnione jest odwoływanie się do konstrukcji prawnej samoobrony, o tyle w wypadku zbrojnej operacji prewencyjnej jest to znacznie bardziej ryzykowne, a wręcz nieuprawnione. Prewencyjne użycie siły zbrojnej nie spełnia bowiem kryteriów legalności samoobrony – zarówno tych określonych w Karcie Narodów Zjednoczonych, jak i tych wynikających z prawa zwyczajowego.
EN
Since it assumed competences in the area of security and defence, the EU has become a complete regional organization in the sense of the Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. This article explains the current situation, following the recognition of the EU’s special status by the United Nations and the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The future implementation of the mutual defence clause can improve the relevance of the European role as a security actor in the global framework of the UN and add a new task to its traditional peace-keeping, crisis management, and conflict prevention operations. In addition, the EU is an important political actor in the implementation of UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, especially those concerning the sanctions against individuals considered as belonging to terrorist organizations. By refusing the implementation of a UNSC resolution that fails to protect human rights, the EU can contribute to the evolution of the UN Charter legal order and be a political force to be reckoned with in the Security Council. The EU orientation, as reflected in its values, including respect for international law, can both reinforce the legitimacy of some UNSC resolutions and improve the credibility and specificity of the EU as an international actor.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza prawnych uwarunkowań interwencji zbrojnej w ramach koncepcji „odpowiedzialności za ochronę” (Responsibility to Protect, R2P). Autor przedstawił i ocenił skuteczność podejmowania działań wojskowych w jej ramach. Należy podkreślić, że zbrojny aspekt koncepcji R2P nie był szeroko analizowany w doktrynie. Autor omówił kwestie skuteczności interwencji wojskowej na przykładzie operacji „Odyssey Dawn” i „Unified Protector” w Libii w 2011 r. Odniósł się także do koncepcji zastosowania mechanizmu interwencji wojskowej w Syryjskiej Republice Arabskiej po 2011 r. W tekście wskazano, że największą słabością koncepcji interwencji zbrojnej w ramach mechanizmu R2P jest ogólnikowość i niejasność jej form realizacji. W kontekście interwencji wojskowej w Libii, do której doszło w wyniku braku weta ze strony któregoś ze stałych członków Rady Bezpieczeństwa, autor wykazał, że jakkolwiek zastosowanie formuły interwencji wojskowej w ramach modelu R2P jest wciąż możliwe, to uzasadnione jest także założenie, iż w najbliższym czasie w zbliżonej sytuacji stali członkowie Rady Bezpieczeństwa skorzystają z prawa weta.
EN
The purpose of the article is to analyse the legal conditions of armed intervention under the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The author presented and assessed the effectiveness of undertaking military actions within its framework. It should be emphasized that the armed aspect of the R2P concept has not been broadly analysed in the doctrine. The author discussed the issues of the effectiveness of military intervention on the example of the “Odyssey Dawn” and “Unified Protector” operations in Libya in 2011. He also referred to the concept of applying the military intervention mechanism to the Syrian Arab Republic after 2011. The text indicates that the greatest weakness is the generality of the concept of armed intervention within the R2P concept and the vagueness of its forms of implementation. In the context of the military intervention in Libya, which occurred as a result of the lack of veto by one of the permanent members of the Security Council, the author showed that although the use of the formula of military intervention under the R2P model is possible, it is also reasonable to assume that in the near future in a similar situation, the permanent members of the Security Council will exercise their right of veto.
PL
Artykuł podsumowuje 20 lat funkcjonowania Rady ds. Kobiet w resorcie obrony narodowej. Autor przybliża podstawy funkcjonowania tego organu, jego zadania oraz kompetencje. Co więcej, dokonuje prezentacji kolejnych żołnierzy, pełniących funkcję przewodniczącej w poszczególnych latach działania Rady. W publikacji dokonano również przybliżenia najważniejszych inicjatyw i działań, w które angażowała się Rada na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad.
EN
The article summarizes 20 years of operation of the Women's Affairs Council in the Ministry of National Defense. The author explains the basics of the functioning of this body, its tasks, and competences. What is more, she presents subsequent soldiers, who acted as the chairwomen of the Council in individual years. The publication also presents the most important initiatives and activities in which the Council has been involved over the last two decades.
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