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The Biblical Annals
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1998
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vol. 45
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issue 1
55-89
PL
The subiect of the present article is the semantic field of the noun form αγιασμος in the canonical books o f LXX. The semantic shades of the term αγιασμος as it is used in these books, are derived and presented by means of a set of linguistic and exegetical methods. The results of the author's research may be brough to the following conclusions. 1. The nominal form αγιασμος appears in the canonic books of LXX nine times in total, of which six of the cases appear in a part of the Greek Bibie which is originally written in Hebrew. The appropriate fragments are: Judg 17, 3; Sir 7, 31; Jer 6, 16; Ezek 22, 8; 45, 4; Amos 2, 11. It also appears once in Sir 17, 10 – the text has been preserved only in Greek, and twice in 2 Macc, namely 2 Macc 2, 17; 14, 36, written straightaway in Greek. 2. The noun is question, as it appears in the biblica books of LXX translated from the Hebrew language does not have an adequate equivalent in the TM of the Hebrew Bible. In the course of the research it has also been proved that in three cases there are derivatires corresponding to this noun and deriving from the stem קדש that is קדש (hi) in Judg 17, 3; קדש in Ezek 22, 8; מקדש in Ezekl 45, 4. In Jer 6,16 it is the term מדגוע, which is derived from the stem רגוע and in Amos 2,11 the word נזיר derived from נזר. 3. The semantic analysis of the LXX-ian texts which contain the term αγιασμος shows that this noun appears as many as six times in a stricctly cultic context, namely in Judg 17, 3; 2 Macc 2, 17; 14, 36; Sir 7, 31; Ezek 22, 8; 45, 4 .4 . It has also been proved here that the nominal form αγιασμος in the canonical books of LXX is used both with people and things. 5. The people who are referred to by means of αγιασμος are the following; God-Jahwe himself (2 Macc 14, 36; Sir 17,10), the Jewish nation |(2 Macc 2, 17); the inhabitants of the capital of the Juda (Jer 6, 16) and nazireats (Amos 2, 11). 6. The shades of the semantic field of the noun αγιασμος when it is used in relation to people are „holiness”, „the state of being made holy”, „sanctification”. Metaphorically, one can also speak of the term αγιασμος as „a temple” or „a holy place”. 7. In the LXX-ian texts, in which the nominal form is used in relation to things, the referents are; silver (Judg 17, 3), the cultic sacrifice made to God (Sir 7,31), and a sanctuary, a temple or a holy place (Ezek 22, 8; 45, 4). 8. When the nouns form αγιασμος is used in relation to things semantic field covers the ensuing shades of meaning: „holiness”, „the state of being made holy”, „sanctification”, „a temple”, „holy place”. When the noun form αγιασμος is used in relation to things, its semantic field covers the ensuing shades of meaning; „holiness”, „the state of being made holy”, „sanctification”, „a temple”, „holy place”. 9. There is a certain clearly-observable regularity in the canonical books of the Greek Bibie of Old Testament, in the texts which contain the nominał form αγιασμος. The point is that in Old Testament the said term is always linked in its meaning with the person of God-Jahwe and speaks of Him that something is His possession (cf. 2 Macc 14, 36; Sir 17, 10) or that something is a result of His activity. What should be strongly emphasized here is that the phenomenon of the abovementioned regularity occurs in all of the previously-presented semantic shedes of αγιασμος  (in particular „holiness”) both with people and things. 10. It seems that within the semantic field of the noun form αγιασμος, there are no particularly essential differences between the semantic shades of the word in books of LXX, which are originally written in Hebrew, and the semantic shades of this word in these books which are written and preserved till our times in Greek.
Verbum Vitae
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2021
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vol. 39
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issue 4
1379-1384
EN
Book review:  David J. Shepherd – Jan Joosten – Michaël N. van der Meer (red.), Septuagint, Targum and Beyond. Comparing Aramaic and Greek Versions from Jewish Antiquity (Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism 193; Leiden – Boston, MA: Brill 2020). Ss. 356. $140.00. ISBN 978-90-04-41671-0 (Hardback), 978-90-04-41672-7 (E-Book).
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PL
The article gives a short panorama of questions concerning the inspiration of Septuagint. A little sketch of catholic teaching on the inspiratlffin of the Scripture is a starting point of this paper. It is followed by two historical paragraphs devoted to both Jewish-Hellenistic and early Christian witnesses, who seem to support the idea of divine inspiration of the Greek text. Finally, some general issues debated by contemporary scholars are presented. In conclusion, not rejecting the TM as the basis for modern OT translątions, the author favours the idea of LXX’s inspiration. However, since the research on the LXX is still in its early stadium, one has to be careful not to give too precipitate answer in such a complicated matter.
Vox Patrum
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1984
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vol. 6
304-316
EN
Analyzing some of St. Hilary’s of Poitiers statements, included in the "Tractatus super Psalmos", we come to the conclusion that the objective value of Septuaginta depends on three things.
EN
The expression of Jewish identity in national and political terms is found in a wide range of writings and literary genres. The form which lent itself most readily to this purpose was undoubtedly history writing. History, as the story of the people’s past and origin, had always been highly valued in Judaism. Much of the biblical material has a “history-like” character in the sense that it tells the story of the people within a chronological framework. In the Hellenistic age the Jews had a new reason to retell the story of their past. The spread of Hellenism under Alexander the Great and his successors was accompanied, at least initially, by considerable Greek curiosity about the strange peoples of the East. A number of writers, such as Hecataeus of Abdera, Demetrius, Artapanus, Pseudo-Hecataeus and Eupolemus, attempted to satisfy it. They did express themselves in forms which might have been accessible to the Greeks.We may distinguish three main approaches to the past in the Jewish Hellenistic literature: the Septuagint as an example of religion work, chronicles and the historical romances, the epic and philosophical poets.
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Księga Ozeasza w Septuagincie

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EN
The Book of Hosea plays a special role in the life and theology of ancientIsrael. Serving as an opening to the Minor Prophets (the Book of theTwelve) both in the Hebrew and Greek traditions, it is a source of importanttheological interpretations. The article focuses on the Book of Hosea inthe Septuagint. It presents its role in the context of the Greek Book of theTwelve, together with the manuscripts and critical editions of LXXHos,indicating the textual richness of this book in antiquity. It also attempts toshow the character of the Greek text, its translation techniques, its omissionsand additions and other aspects, discussing also the dating of the book inthe Greek tradition.
Verbum Vitae
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2021
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vol. 39
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issue 3
941-958
PL
Artykuł stawia sobie za cel wykazać, że interpretacja typologiczna postaci Jozuego i jego działania w Dialogu z Żydem Tryfonem Justyna Męczennika była możliwa tylko dzięki oparciu się na zhellenizowanej wersji Starego Testamentu zwanej Septuagintą. We Wstępie zostało przypomniane syntetycznie, że Justyn w Dialogu polemizuje z marcjonizmem i judaizmem, zaś w części 1 status Septuaginty w judaizmie i chrześcijaństwie antycznym a także metody interpretacji Starego Testamentu Apologety. W drugiej części Autor koncentruje się już na analizie odnośnych fragmentów Dialogu w których pojawia się interpretacja typologiczna Jozuego i jego działania. Wpływ Septuaginty na interpretację Justyna przejawia się w kilku elementach: imię Jozue, w j. hebrajskim יְהוֹשֻעַ, według Septuaginty brzmi dokładnie tak samo jak imię Jezusa Chrystusa ̓Ιησοῦς i jest podstawą prezentacji Jozuego jako typu Chrystusa; drugie obrzezanie Izraelitów przez Jozuego nożami kamiennymi po wejściu do Ziemi Obiecanej było typem i zapowiedzią duchowego obrzezania serca pogan przez Jezusa Chrystus od kamieni, czyli innych bóstw pogańskich i błędu świata; krew obrzezania w Gilgal była typem krwi zbawienia Chrystusa; noże kamienne (μαχαίρας πετρίνας) były typem nauki i słów Chrystusa, którymi obrzezuje serca pogan; stos dwunastu kamieni był typem wielu stosów pogan obrzezanych z fałszywego politeizmu. Zaś wzmiankowanie owego drugigo/ponownego obrzezania, które Justyn interpretuje jako typ rzeczywistego obrzezania dokonanego przez Chrystusa ukazuje nam Dialog jako najstarsze świadectwo wersji Septuaginty potwierdzonej przez kodeks Aleksandryjski (εκ δευτέρου w aparacie krtycznmy edycji Rhalfsa).
EN
The aim of the article is to argue that the typological interpretation of Joshua and his actions in the Dialogue with Trypho, the Jew of Justin the Martyr, was possible only thanks to the hellenized version of the Old Testament known as the Septuagint. In the Introduction it was synthetically recalled that Justin in Dialogue argues with Marcionism and Judaism, and in Part 1 the status of the Septuagint in Judaism and ancient Christianity, as well as his methods of interpreting the Old Testament. In the second part, the author concentrates on the analysis of the relevant fragments of the Dialogue in which there is a typological interpretation of Joshua and his actions. The influence of the Septuagint on Justin's interpretation is manifested in several elements: the name Joshua, in Hebrew יְהוֹשֻעַ, according to the Septuagint, sounds exactly the same as the name of Jesus Christ ̓Ιησοῦς and is the basis for the presentation of Joshua as a type of Christ; the second circumcision of the Israelites by Joshua with stone knives after entering the Promised Land was a type and foreshadowing of the spiritual circumcision of the Gentile heart by Jesus Christ from stones, that is pagan deities and the error of the world; the blood of circumcision at Gilgal was a type of the blood of Christ's; stone knives (μαχαίρας πετρίνας) were a type of the teaching and words of Christ with which he circumcises the hearts of the pagans; the heap of twelve stones was a type of many heathens circumcised from the false polytheism.
Verbum Vitae
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2021
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vol. 39
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issue 3
751-769
PL
Gdy twórcy Septuaginty tłumaczyli na język grecki nazwy lub pojęcia związane z ich moralnością i religią monoteistyczną, zaś autorzy nowotestamentowi przekazywali w języku greckim naukę zawartą w Ewangelii Jezusa, często musieli nadać świeckim terminom greckim nowe, teologiczne znaczenie, przeniesione ze świata biblijnego. W artykule tym są najpierw przedstawione główne przyczyny i skutki takiej teologizacji terminów i pojęć greckich w Septuagincie i Nowym Testamencie, a następnie – na pięciu wybranych przykładach – są ukazane sposoby i kierunki teologizacji terminów, które odgrywają ważną rolę w orędziu autorów Septuaginty i Nowego Testamentu.
EN
Hellenistic literature, having great achievements in the fields of philosophy, drama, and poetry, did not know the theological concepts and issues which underlie the texts contained in the Hebrew Bible. So when the creators of the Septuagint, and then also the authors of the New Testament, used the Greek language to convey God’s inspired truths to the world, they were forced to give secular terms a new theological meaning, frequently choosing neutral words for this purpose, not burdened with negative associations. With their translation work, they built a kind of bridge between Hellenic and Jewish cultures. On the one hand, the Septuagint allowed Jews reading the Bible in Greek to remain connected not only with the religious heritage of their fathers, but also with the cultural values that were closely related to that language and its world. In turn, for the Greeks, who after some time began to appreciate this work and gained knowledge of its content, it opened vast horizons of new religious and spiritual values, which until then were completely alien to them. The work of the authors of the Septuagint was continued and developed by the authors of the New Testament, which added to their theological output many new religious and moral values arising from the teaching of Jesus Christ. That way they contributed considerably to the development of the Koinē Greek and significantly transformed the spiritual life of the people speaking the language.
Vox Patrum
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1987
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vol. 12
175-188
EN
Sic dicta graeca versio Theodotionis libri Danielis iam saeculo I p.Chr. exstitit.
PL
Prezentowana perykopa biblijna 1 Mch 7,1-4 opisuje wydarzenie, które miało miejsce daleko poza zasięgiem działań powstańców machabejskich. Jest jednak ściśle związana z historią narodu wybranego i w istotny sposób wpływa na ewolucję sytuacji polityczno-religijnej Żydów w tym okresie. Szczególnie warta analizy jest adekwatność prezentowanych faktów historycznych oraz teologiczne spojrzenie na nie, którym autor nadaje pierwszorzędne znaczenie. Temu właśnie poświęcony jest niniejszy artykuł zestawiający dane historyków starożytnych z relacją biblijną. W ten sposób historia narodów i królestw ukazana jest jako część wielkiego planu Bożego realizującego się nawet nieświadomie poprzez działanie uczestników toczących się wydarzeń. Taka prezentacja dotyczy bohaterów zarówno głównych, jak i drugoplanowych. Krótki fragment 1 Mch 7,1-4 pokazuje, jak hagiograf świadomie uwypukla pewne fakty, dobiera odpowiednią składnię i słownictwo, aby ukazać działanie Boga. Wprawdzie stoi On za zasłoną ludzkich działań, ale właśnie On decyduje ostatecznie o ich przebiegu.
EN
The presented biblical material (1 Macc 7:1-4) is one of those texts that describe an event happening far away from the scope of influence exerted by the Maccabean insurgents, yet one which is closely connected with the history of the chosen people. As such, it substantially influences the successive events in the political-religious situation of the Jews. What is particularly worthy of analysis is the historical accuracy of the inspired author in presenting facts as well as the theological conception to which primary importance is given in the book. This way the history of peoples, kingdoms and societies is shown as part of God’s magnificent plans which is implemented by all participants of ongoing scenes. Such a presentation concerns both the main and supporting protagonists. The short passage of 1 Macc 7:1-4 reveals how the hagiographer, who knows the theological conception, consciously accentuates certain parts, chooses appropriate syntax and vocabularyto show God’s action in the presented characters and events. God stands behind the curtain of human actions, yet it is Him who decides about their course.
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EN
The Septuagint which contains texts not presented in the Hebrew Bible is at the same time its formal and ancient translation. It is not just an interpretation either. It is not meant only for the ancient societies, but should be treated as a valuable Text by contemporary people as well. The Book was created as a result of the need to learn the Bible. The Septuagint made the texts of the Hebrew Bible accessible for both the Jews and the Greeks. The Greek Bible became useful for literary, legal and synagogical purposes. Undeniably it helped people get closer to the mystery of Jesus Christ.
EN
The New Testament texts depend on the Septuaginta translation for the grammar and vocabulary that they use. The influence is shown by the numerous quotations according to the most ancient translation of the Old Testament. The relationship between the two main parts of the Bible lies in the common content shared by the authors of their books. The present paper describes the dependence of the name “New Testament” on the Septuagint and demonstrates that its openness favored the reception of the Christian message.
EN
What was the biblical interpretation of the Jews’ conduct in the final stage of the history of Israel in the context of the Law of Moses right before the times of the New Testament? The proposed exegesis of 1 Macc 8:17–20, which describes the covenant between Judas Maccabeus and the Roman republic, strives to discover the theological evaluation of the behavior of the revolt’s leader conducted by the author of the book. The intertextual method is particularly helpful in discovering the right understanding of the text. This method enables one to purposefully combine the expressions found in the consecutive verses with the same expressions found in the earlier biblical books. The theology that underlies these books will reveal the right sense of the studied passage of 1 Macc. It turns out that the theological evaluation is totally different than the political evaluation, the latter being solely taken into consideration in historical-literary analyses and commentaries. The biblical author has a restrained stance toward the political success of the Maccabees. He wants to reveal their conduct in the context of the Lord’s Law, which strongly proves that the First Book of Maccabees should belong to the canon of the inspired texts.
PL
Jaka była biblijna interpretacja postępowania Żydów w końcowym etapie historii Izraela w świetle zapisów prawa Mojżeszowego, niemal tuż przed nastaniem czasów Nowego Testamentu? Proponowana egzegeza fragmentu 1 Mch 8,17–20, opisującego zawarcie przymierza przez Judę Machabeusza z republiką rzymską, pragnie ukazać teologiczną ocenę postępowania przywódcy powstania dokonaną przez autora księgi. Najbardziej pomocne w wydobyciu właściwego rozumienia tekstu okazuje się podejście intertekstualne. Pozwala ono celowo łączyć sformułowania kolejnych wersetów z tymi samymi zwrotami wcześniejszych ksiąg biblijnych. Zawarta w nich teologia ukaże właściwy sens zaproponowanego passusu Pierwszej Księgi Machabejskiej. Okazuje się, że ocena teologiczna jest daleka od oceny politycznej, branej niemal wyłącznie pod uwagę w analizach i komentarzach historyczno-literackich. Autor biblijny zachowuje daleko idącą wstrzemięźliwość wobec politycznych sukcesów Machabeuszy, pragnąc ukazać ich postępowanie w świetleprawa Bożego. Mocno zaświadcza to o uzasadnionej przynależności Pierwszej Księgi Machabejskiej do korpusu pism natchnionych.
PL
Jaka była biblijna interpretacja postępowania Żydów w końcowym etapie historii Izraela w świetle zapisów prawa Mojżeszowego, niemal tuż przed nastaniem czasów Nowego Testamentu? Proponowana egzegeza fragmentu 1 Mch 8,17–20, opisującego zawarcie przymierza przez Judę Machabeusza z republiką rzymską, pragnie ukazać teologiczną ocenę postępowania przywódcy powstania dokonaną przez autora księgi. Najbardziej pomocne w wydobyciu właściwego rozumienia tekstu okazuje się podejście intertekstualne. Pozwala ono celowo łączyć sformułowania kolejnych wersetów z tymi samymi zwrotami wcześniejszych ksiąg biblijnych. Zawarta w nich teologia ukaże właściwy sens zaproponowanego passusu Pierwszej Księgi Machabejskiej. Okazuje się, że ocena teologiczna jest daleka od oceny politycznej, branej niemal wyłącznie pod uwagę w analizach i komentarzach historyczno-literackich. Autor biblijny zachowuje daleko idącą wstrzemięźliwość wobec politycznych sukcesów Machabeuszy, pragnąc ukazać ich postępowanie w świetle prawa Bożego. Mocno zaświadcza to o uzasadnionej przynależności Pierwszej Księgi Machabejskiej do korpusu pism natchnionych.
EN
What was the biblical interpretation of the Jews’ conduct in the final stage of the history of Israel in the context of the Law of Moses right before the times of the New Testament? The proposed exegesis of 1 Macc 8:17–20, which describes the covenant between Judas Maccabeus and the Roman republic, strives to discover the theological evaluation of the behavior of the revolt’s leader conducted by the author of the book. The intertextual method is particularly helpful in discovering the right understanding of the text. This method enables one to purposefully combine the expressions found in the consecutive verses with the same expressions found in the earlier biblical books. The theology that underlies these books will reveal the right sense of the studied passage of 1 Macc. It turns out that the theological evaluation is totally different than the political evaluation, the latter being solely taken into consideration in historical-literary analyses and commentaries. The biblical author has a restrained stance toward the political success of the Maccabees. He wants to reveal their conduct in the context of the Lord’s Law, which strongly proves that the First Book of Maccabees should belong to the canon of the inspired texts.
Verbum Vitae
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2020
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vol. 38
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issue 2
PL
Proponowany artykuł porusza znaną w Biblii tematykę języka z seksualnej sfery ludzkiego życia, lecz nie w znanych i zwykle używanych terminach typowych dla tego obszaru w Biblii zarówno hebrajskiej jak i greckiej. Jedyny natomiast raz pojawia się w Septuagincie czasownik dzeugidzō (1 Mch 1,15), którego użycie musi zastanawiać, skoro nie ma swych odpowiedników w innych tekstach natchnionych. Odkrycie jednego z tekstów pozabiblijnych, zawierających ów termin a także pojawienie się tego terminu w żydowskich wersjach Biblii greckiej z II w. naszej ery, rzuca pomocne światło na zrozumienie sensu czasownika w tekście Pierwszej Księgi Machabejskiej. Przeprowadzona egzegeza pozwala ukazać ostrość oceny postępowania zwolenników hellenizacji Judei, dokonanej przez hagiografa.
EN
The present article deals with a linguistic issue well known in the Bible but not usually overtly present in the terminology of Hebrew and Greek Scripture. It concerns the sexual sphere of human life and is expressed by the verb zeugizō (1 Macc 1:15). This term appears only once in the Septuagint and is not featured in any of the other inspired books. However, the discovery of a non-biblical text which includes the term in question, as well as the inclusion of the verb by the Jewish authors of the Greek Bible from the 2nd century AD, shed important light on the sense of the verb in the First Book of the Maccabees. The exegesis carried out reveals just how harsh was the hagiographer’s critique of, and judgment upon, the supporters of the Hellenization of Judea.
EN
The present article contains an updated list of witnesses to the Septuagint text, that is, Greek manuscripts produced throughout the centuries (papyri, uncials, minuscule), lectionaries, and citations by the Church Fathers and other ancient writers. The second part of the article focuses on the printed editions of the Greek Bible.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł zawiera zaktualizowaną przez badaczy listę świadków tekstu Septuaginty, czyli greckich rękopisów powstałych na przestrzeni wieków (papirusy, uncjały, minuskuły), lekcjonarzy oraz cytatów Ojców Kościoła i innych starożytnych pisarzy. Druga część artykułu skupia się na drukowanych wydaniach Biblii Greckiej.
EN
Analyzing the content of the Letter of Aristeas to Philocrates, one can notice that it contains many philosophical threads. First of all, the description of the Mosaic Law as “very philosophical” deserves particular attention. The author of the Letter showed that the Law is in no way inferior to the Greek philosophical tradition, because, like Greek philosophy, the Law gives the possibility of achieving virtue. Hence, a person who studies the Law, who knows its content, and is guided by its norms is a noble man who fully deserves to be called a philosopher. Studying the Law, being guided by it, therefore, means practicing philosophy. The proprium that resounds in the Letter is a constant reference to God of the Old Testament as the source of all good and a “norm” of its kind.
PL
Analizując treść Listu Arysteasza do Filokratesa, można zauważyć, że zawiera on wiele wątków filozoficznych. Przede wszystkim na uwagę zasługuje określenie Prawa Mojżeszowego jako „wysoce filozoficzne”. Autor Listu wykazał, że w niczym nie ustępuje ono greckiej tradycji filozoficznej, gdyż podobnie jak grecka filozofia, tak i Prawo daje możliwość osiągnięcia cnoty. Stąd zgłębiający Prawo, znający jego treść, kierujący się jego wskazaniami to człowiek szlachetny, który w pełni zasługuje na miano filozofa. Studiowanie Prawa, kierowanie się nim oznacza zatem uprawnianie filozofii. Proprium, które wybrzmiewa z Listu, to stałe odwoływanie się do Boga Starego Testamentu jako źródła wszelkiego dobra i swego rodzaju „normy”.   
Perspektywy Kultury
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2023
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vol. 45
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issue 2
65-78
PL
Artykuł omawia wybrane aspekty kulturotwórczej roli Septuaginty na przestrzeni wieków. Po krótkiej charakterystyce tego greckiego tłumaczenia Biblii hebrajskiej i prezentacji jego genezy (zarówno legendarnej jak i faktycznej) przedstawiona została jej rola jako tekstu fundacyjnego dla chrześcijaństwa oraz niektóre ślady jej wpływu widoczne w kulturze europejskiej po dzień dzisiejszy. W konkluzji stwierdzono że Septuaginta to „największy przekład wszechczasów”, który odcisnął trwałe piętno na zachodniej cywilizacji
EN
The article discusses selected aspects of the cultural role of the Septuagint over the centuries. It begins with a brief characterization of this Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible and an overview of its origins, both legendary and factual. The article then explores its significance as a foundational text for Christianity and highlights some traces of its influence that are still visible in European culture today. In conclusion, it asserts that the Septuagint can be considered “the greatest translation of all time” and emphasizes its lasting impact on Western civilization.
EN
This article analyses the problem of Israelites forming an alliance in diff erent times chiefl y de-scribed in the Pentateuch. Many existing exegetic commentaries lack a clear answer explaining the extent of the prohibition to ally with Gentiles described in Ex 23:32; 34:12; Deut 7:2 and Judg 2:2. The author wants to give a full answer to the question why the prohibition concerns only the nations neighboring Israel after the chosen people started to occupy the Promised Land; or perhaps it also concerns the Gentile nations that neighbored Israel. Should the prohibition be interpreted restric-tively or extensively? One should also defi ne the necessity of the prohibition, that is what it actually concerned - any sort of signing a pact with Gentiles or merely the realm of purity of faith so as to dodge the temptation of idolatry. An attempt to answer these questions will broaden the knowledge about these important times of the chosen people
PL
This article analyses the problem of Israelites forming an alliance in diff erent times chiefl y described in the Pentateuch. Many existing exegetic commentaries lack a clear answer explaining the extent of the prohibition to ally with Gentiles described in Ex 23:32; 34:12; Deut 7:2 and Judg 2:2. The author wants to give a full answer to the question why the prohibition concerns only the nations neighboring Israel after the chosen people started to occupy the Promised Land; or perhaps it also concerns the Gentile nations that neighbored Israel. Should the prohibition be interpreted restrictively or extensively? One should also defi ne the necessity of the prohibition, that is what it actually concerned - any sort of signing a pact with Gentiles or merely the realm of purity of faith so as to dodge the temptation of idolatry. An attempt to answer these questions will broaden the knowledge about these important times of the chosen people.
PL
Problem prezentacji zawarty jest w pytaniu: jakie znaczenie współcześnie nadaje Septuagincie Papieska Komisja Biblijna w swoich dokumentach, wydanych po „Sedula cura”? Wydaje się, że referencje do LXX są w ostatnich dokumentach PKB dość skromne i często niejednoznaczne. W zasadzie jest ona postrzegana jako żydowska Biblia Grecka. Ponieważ jest także chrześcijańskim Starym Testamentem, rozpoznanym i uznanym przez Kościół, Papieska Komisja Biblijna uznaje ten fakt, niemniej jednak nie poświęca Septuagincie (LXX) znaczącego i adekwatnego miejsca w swojej refleksji.
EN
This presentation focuses on the question: what meaning does the Pontifical Biblical Commission in its documents promulgated after Sedula cura give to the Septuagint in our times? It seems that the references to the LXX appear in the latest documents of the Commission in a rather humble way and frequently ambiguously. The Septuagint is basically perceived as the Jewish Greek Bible. Since it is also the Christian Old Testament, identified and recognised by the Church, the Pontifical Biblical Commission accepts this fact, but in its reflection it does not assign a significant and adequate place to the Septuagint.
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