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EN
For about ten years now people in NATO member states have, on a daily basis, been confronted with the faltering attempts by their troops to create a semblance of stability in Afghanistan. It is now widely recognized that Afghanistan has become an intractable international problem. This article, however, focuses on previous attempts to impose solutions. Beginning in the late 1970s and continuing throughout the 1980s, the two Cold War superpowers, the USSR and the USA, intervened in Afghanistan’s affairs. In this article the legality, under international law, of those efforts is examined. This requires an extensive analysis of international law as applicable to external interventions in civil wars. It will be demonstrated that neither the USSR’s invasion of Afghanistan, nor the USA’s massive support of the Afghan rebels, was reconcilable with international law. Considering the fact that these ill-advised interventions in Afghanistan backfired on both superpowers, they constitute a good object lesson to demonstrate that the prohibition of external interventions in civil wars not only reflects what international law demands, but is also simple common sense. Recent interventions in Bahrain and Libya are also briefly examined as to their legality, and this examination includes projections whether the unsatisfactory results of the Afghanistan interventions will be replicated there.
Forum Philosophicum
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2010
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vol. 15
|
issue 2
413-425
EN
In this article I will present and analyze the concept of all-unity of the two most famous Russian philosophers—Vladimir Soloviev (1853–1900) and Semyon Frank (1877–1958). As will be argued, the concept of all-unity is part of an old philosophical tradition. At the same time, it is an original idea of the Russian thought of the Silver Age (the end of the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries).
EN
The initial section of the article elaborates on diverse attitudes towards abortion, and specifies the number of abortions performed before and after the fall of the Soviet Union. The following section presents spatial characteristic of the performed abortions against the largest Russian administrative units. Regional conditioning has been analysed based on the number of abortions per 100 labours and number of abortions among women in labour age (between 15 and 49 years of age). The article also discusses the activity of non-governmental women organisations which aim at providing medical information and participate in the family planning initiatives. Finally, the article presents the rules and conditions of allowing to perform abortion and significant changes in Russian legislation on that issue.
EN
The texts by V. Vysotsky feauture prominently the theme of “hunting” – for the game and for a hu- man as the game. Non-humanitarism of trailing, chasing and battue is thoroughly elaborated. This non-humanitarism as Vysotski puts it is a sign of the totalitarian system which gives no room for a free individual. Both the humans and the game are deliberately annihilated for the pleasure of the high and mighty of this world. A common Soviet human being is a parallel of the baited game.
EN
The article describes the process of so called „Soviet nation” building. Using the contemporary western theories (multiculturalism, invention of tradition, constructivist approach to the nation-building process), the author discusses this process as a trial of political nation building but – at the same time – neglecting of the policy of recognition. The catalogue of common “soviet people’s” values promoted by the Communist Party (common communism building, victory over the fascism) and the specific characteristics of “socialist nations” are also presented.
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Sartre a Merleau-Ponty tváří v tvář totalitarismu

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EN
An example of how difficult it was for some left-orientated French intellectuals to come to terms with information about the real situation in the Soviet Union is provided by the conflict between M. Merleau-Ponty and J.-P. Sartre in 1953, which led to Merleau-Ponty’s departure from the editorship of the review journal Temps modernes. Prior to this, in 1950, Sartre had lent his signature to an article in which Merleau-Ponty reacted to information coming out about the Soviet punitive and prison system by calling into question the very socialist character of the Soviet regime. After the outbreak of the Korean war, however, Sartre adopted an unequivally pro-Soviet and pro-communist standpoint and did not wish to see Temps modernes give space to the opinions of this opposing viewpoint. In this article we provide an analysis of the letters which the two philosophers exchanged on this matter
EN
The history of relations between the center and the particular regions during one of the vital periods following the first Five-Year-Plan (1932) until the end of the “great terror” late in 1938 is discussed. It was a short period of certain stabilization after the preceding chaos produced by the Stalinist transformation of the country in the early 1930s until the end of unprecedented terror of 1937–1938. Much attention is paid to the key moments in the center-vs.-regions relations and the author shows that the regional officials were always able to resist the centralization policy of Moscow by applying a variety of strategies and procedures. This changed with the launch of “great terror” in 1937–38 and the regions with their officials mostly turned to willing executors of the orders coming from Moscow. The terror also aimed at the existing regional officials at all levels, who were replaced by a new generation, fully dependent on Stalin. The regime also started using terror as one of the main tools of controlling the state and society.
EN
The article focuses on the selected issues of the Soviet Union's power politics towards South Africa, especially during the period of apartheid. Also the period before introduction of the apartheid in 1948 is mentioned. The problem is presented with the perspective of global Soviet foreign policy with particular reference to the situation in Southern Africa (support for anti-colonialism, liberation movements, new independent states and engagement in solving regional conflicts etc.). Special attention is drawn into the Soviet Union attitude towards white South African government as well as contacts and support for the African National Congress and in less extent for the South African Communist Party. The evolution of the Soviet Union's power politics towards South Africa, especially in the 80's and at the beginning of the 90's is underlined.
EN
The letter sent by Ayatollah Khomeini to Gorbachev seems to be important in modern Iranian historiography presenting Khomeini as an influential and prophet-like “father of the revolution”. The letter brings Khomeini’s personal insights into the situation of the Soviet Union offering to its leader Islam as the only solution for internal and external problems. The letter in fact may be consider an example or rather a product of Iranian political culture, an attempt to return to the global and finally as a Khomeini’s answer to history.
EN
The article looks at the question of the renaming of cities in the Kaliningrad region, i.e. the northern part of former East Prussia. After World War II, this territory underwent profound changes as it was annexed to the Soviet Union and the German population was expelled to make way for the Soviet settlers. The first part of the analysis covers the renaming of the cities and other geographical entities. It is understood as an element of the Soviet historical policy and a way of making this culturally unknown environment more familiar to newcomers. City names are understood as places of memory (lieux de memoire), which undoubtedly play a crucial role in creating identities and collective memory. In the second part, the author addresses the discussion on the proposals for changing once again the name of the city of Kaliningrad, as this issue emerged when the Soviet Union collapsed.
EN
This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    
EN
The production and circulation of literary, documentary, and political texts were among the main activities of dissenters in the Soviet Union. Many of them also kept diaries or notebooks, wrote memoirs or engaged in other forms of life writing. While these texts more or less explicitly claim to authentically represent reality, they nonetheless arise as a construction based on literary strategies. The analysis of the latter in Ludmilla Alexeyeva and Paul Goldberg’s The Thaw Generation is the subject of this article. We discuss the rhetoric of these memoirs focusing particularly on stylistic features and argumentative structures that are meant to grant the text credibility among American and Russian readers.
EN
This article examines the inception and history of Estonian ethnography as it progressed various political regimes. The central axis is the connection between the discipline and the Estonian nationalism. The autors examine two periods at greater length, the interwar era and the Soviet period. The main research issue for Estonian ethnography up to the 1990s was the material part of peasant culture, while folkloristics dealt with the intangible side. In the interwar Republic of Estonia, ethnography was one branch of Estonian studies and helped strengthen the national identity and unity. During the Soviet period, Estonian ethnography was formally a part of Soviet ethnography and subject to Marxist-Leninist theory. However, in practice it did remain connected to Estonian nationalism and supported Estonian identity, especially since late 1950s. Estonian ethnography remained quite conservative in terms of research material and methods. A major change took place early in the 1990s as Estonia regained independence. Estonian ethnography became a part of European ethnology and name of the discipline changed accordingly.
EN
On the basis of the analysis of the subject literature supplemented with archival materials, the author proves that during World War II, including the period between June 22, 1941 and April 25, 1943, the Soviet Union consistently pursued a policy one of whose main goals was to keep Poland in its sphere of influence. For this reason, it fought by various means against the Union for Armed Struggle and the Home Army, which were the armed forces of the Polish authorities. The existence of the Polish armed underground connected with the legal authorities in exile threatened the Soviet plans for a quick and complete subjugation of the territories along the Vistula River and the establishment of communist rule there after the war.
EN
The aim of the research is to investigate the track and field exchanges between the United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War era, in search of their role in shaping bilateral relations between the two states. Particular attention has been paid to the motivation of respective subjects. The research allowed to test the hypothesis stating that the track and field exchanges were an attempt to bring the two countries closer and to achieve propaganda benefits simultaneously.
EN
Throughout its history, Finland's relations with Russia have generally been determined by Russian attempts to secure control over the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region. In medieval times, it was mainly about the control of trade routes, especially between Novgorod, and Western Europe and Byzantium. After the founding of the new city of St. Petersburg by Peter the Great in 1703, the rulers of Russia were faced with the problem of ensuring security to that city. From a Russian point of view, it became vitally important to gain control over lands on the eastern side of the Baltic Sea. When Finland became a Russian province in 1809, it seemed that the Baltic security dilemmas of Russia had finally been resolved. However, the collapse of Tsarist Russia in 1917 changed that particular situation. Finland became independent, and Russia's border moved east to the outskirts of St. Petersburg (renamed Petrograd during World War I). For the leaders of the Soviet Union, which had replaced the Romanov Empire, World War II provided an opportunity to try to regain lost Finnish territories. Although the Red Army did not manage to conquer Finland, during two wars (occurring between 1939-1940 and 1941-1944), the post war settlement saw the Soviet-Finnish border shift back westwards. Finland also had to reckon with the requirements of the USSR's security policy and make it a priority of its own foreign policy.
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