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The Evolution of the Socio-political Situation of the Republic of Türkiye in the 20th Century - Efforts Towards the Europeanisation of the Society and State

100%
Chmielowska D.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 3
7-29
EN
The events related to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye contributed to a complete departure from the system of constitutional monarchy in favour of a parliamentary democracy. Owing to the decisions on Europeanisation and implemented reforms, i.e., adopting a Civil Code based on the Swiss code, a Criminal Code reflecting the Italian code, a Commercial Code underpinned by the German code (1924), and the transition to the Latin alphabet which replaced Arabic (1928), as well as education reforms (1925), women's suffrage (1934), and the introduction of surnames (1935), etc. the Turkish people became a European society, aware of their rights and obligations. The transition from a singleparty regime to a multi-party period (1946) allowed for democracy to be consolidated. Türkiye's participation in strictly European and international political and military organisations was of vital significance and turned the country into an extremely important state. Its failed efforts to join the EEC, and, subsequently, the European Union, resulted in Türkiye abandoning its interest in this form of cooperation (1997). The socio-political transformations that took place in the 20th century, highlighted in this article, characterise this dynamically changing period. The evolution of the views of Turkish society was clearly marked in the second half of the 20th century, which led to serious changes in the mindsets of the Turkish people and completely altered the image of the country post-2002, allowing the newly established Justice and Development Party to assume power (2002).
2
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NATO-Türkiye Relations: From Irreplaceable Partner to Questionable Ally

100%
Bölme S. M.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 3
93-116
EN
With Russia's invasion of Ukraine in late February 2022, Türkiye's role in NATO has once again become a topic of intellectual discussion, with many observers arguing that a revival of Russian power would lead to Türkiye's return to the alliance as a good-standing member, while others questioned the likelihood of such a scenario due to the country's political transformation. This is not the first time Türkiye's role within the alliance has become a subject of debate. Türkiye is often described as a valuable and dedicated partner of NATO. Yet, since the beginning of its membership, the country's role in the alliance has been questioned more than that of any other member state. This article seeks to analyse NATO's relations with Türkiye and the country's role within the alliance from a historical perspective. It aims to understand the debates on Türkiye's role within NATO by focusing on the moments of transformation in relations. The main assumption of this article is that, from the beginning of Türkiye's membership process, TurkishAmerican relations have been the main determinant of Türkiye-NATO relations. Türkiye's role, defence, and identity have always been questioned by European members. But these debates on Türkiye had, until as recently as the 2010s, been directed and/or suppressed by the US in accordance with its own interests. The US had been the main supporter of Türkiye in the alliance against the opposition and criticism of Europeans in exchange for Türkiye's commitment to US policies. While differences on interests and values between the US and Türkiye became more visible after 2010, Türkiye failed to secure the support of the alliance's European members to fill the gap left by the waning US support. Indeed, the differences between them grew from security-based issues, to wider, more major identity issues.
3
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Surviving a Coma? Türkiye-EU Relations in Times of Crises (2005-2022)

100%
İçener E.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 3
71-91
EN
Türkiye's EU membership negotiation process has been comatose since its early years. Now, in 2022, the seventeenth year of negotiations, the final destination of Türkiye's EU journey is still far from certain. And recent debates on Türkiye-EU relations focus on whether Türkiye should be an EU member rather than why or when. There has been increasing criticism directed at each other and waning interest in Türkiye's EU integration while the EU and Türkiye have faced major crises in the last two decades. This article aims to analyse key factors and issues influencing Türkiye's EU accession process on the road to the current stalemate since the beginning of accession negotiations in 2005: (a) the Europeanisation of the Cyprus issue (the role of EU Member States and conditionality), (b) deEuropeanisation in Türkiye (the role of conditionality), (c) the return of geopolitics (the role of security considerations and contextual changes), and (d) the July 15th failed coup attempt (the role of conditionality and contextual changes). It finally explores the EU's commitment to enlargement and debates on its alternatives (the role of Member States, and EU institutions and narratives).
4
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The Impact of the Mass Migration of Syrian Refugees on Turkish Cities

100%
Liszkowska D.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2023
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issue 3(53)
197-212
EN
Currently, Türkiye is a country with the largest number of refugees in the world. Over 3.7 million of them come from Syria. At the beginning of the migration crisis which affected European Union member states, Türkiye as a transit destination provided refugees with a place at Temporary Accommodation Centers (TACs). After signing the agreement with the European Union (on March, 21 2016) and with the increasing number of refugees in Türkiye, it became impossible to place all of them in refugee camps. Syrians began to migrate not only to border cities and towns, but also to Istanbul and other Turkish metropolises. This article aims to show the impact of refugees on the situation of Istanbul and other Turkish cities. The analysis is intended to answer the following questions: how did refugees change the structure of Turkish cities? How did the migrations of the Syrian community affect the border cities of Türkiye and the metropolises in the western and central part of the country? Which socio-economic problems did the increase in the number of refugees generate in Türkiye? What kind of social problems arose in Turkish cities with the arrival of Syrian refugees?
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Security in Turkish Politics: An Analysis of the Political Discourse of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

86%
Szymański A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 3
55-70
EN
The goal of this paper is to investigate two presidential terms in Türkiye in order to compare the place of security in the political discourse of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in particular, and in Turkish politics at this time in general. The mixed methodological approach has been taken in the article. The MAXQDA software program has been used to collect and analyse data from more than 850 of President Erdoğan's speeches. The key research questions are as follows: how important are the security issues in the political rhetoric of the President? Are there any differences in this regard between Erdoğan's first and second presidency? Did the state of emergency and introduction of the presidential system make any difference in this regard? What are the reasons for the place of security, as identified in the analysis, in Turkish political discourse and politics?
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Türkiye's Migration Experience and Policy Orientations: Integrating Syrians in Higher Education

86%
Küçükcan T.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 3
175-193
EN
Türkiye has had multidimensional migration experience not only in its past, but also in its present that has led to the formation of a dynamic migration policy to govern such a dynamic process. Türkiye's migration policy has been informed and shaped by its geopolitical location as a migrant receiving, labour migrant sending, and migrant transit country. Today, Türkiye hosts the largest number of migrants and refugees in the world with a far-reaching social, political, and economic impact on the country. This article aims to shed light on the multidimensional migration experience of Türkiye and analyse its migration policies to govern manifold challenges brought about by the presence of almost 6 million foreigners in the country. It is argued in this article that the integration of migrants in general and of Syrians in particular remains a major challenge for Türkiye. Therefore, this article recommends that Turkish decision makers should make short and long-term plans for the integration of Syrians as the current conditions indicate that it is unlikely that Syrians will return in any significant numbers any time soon even though the Turkish government has initiated a number of projects in parts of Northern Syria for the safe and voluntary return of its countrymen and women. One important area of integration in this context is higher education, which would enable Syrians to have access to employment and social mobility that would benefit both themselves and Türkiye.
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Türkiye's Economic Diplomacy: Enhancing the Impact and Coherence of Türkiye's External Actions as an Emerging Strategy

86%
Özçobanlar Ö.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 3
143-173
EN
This article refers to the economic diplomacy of Türkiye and illustrates some changes during the history of the country's political and economic diplomacy. The background of the economic diplomacy process has been clarified and detailed information has been included. Bipolar and unipolar periods are analysed within the framework of economic and political diplomacies in their natural state. The development process of the Turkish economic diplomacy strategy is identified during particular periods in Turkish history. The structural transformation of Türkiye as regards its inward-oriented to outward-oriented economic policies has been evaluated. The mechanisms of Türkiye's multi-directional foreign policy, bilateral trade, and diplomatic relations between Türkiye, the EU and other countries are examined. The role of dependence and interdependence in economics are given in the context of economic globalisation. For this research, the historical methodology has been used. It is suggested that collaborative problem solving with all the institutions involved in economic and political decisions could lead to better outcomes for the country in the international arena.
8
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Türkey’s Cybersecurity Policy Framework

86%
Liszkowska D.
Cybersecurity and Law
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2024
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vol. 11
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issue 1
79-91
EN
The Internet and cyberspace are a gradually developing structure. Every second, new devices, systems and users connect within the network, which causes constant growth and changes in the sphere of threats arising from cyberspace. Türkiye is one of the countries in the world most exposed to cyber threats. However, one of its goals was to bring the field of cybersecurity to an international level. The aim of this article is to present the framework of Türkiye’s cybersecurity policy and answer the following questions: What steps have been taken in Türkiye to protect the state and society against the effects of threats in cyberspace? In which areas has Türkiye achieved significant progress in cyberspace protection, and which are still the biggest challenges?
9
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Польско-турецкие отношения: генезис, история развития, состояние на современном этапе

72%
Burak A.
Studia Orientalne
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2023
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issue 2(26)
20-30
RU
Турция и Польша находятся в совершенно разных геополитических областях, поэтому идеологические и социальные факторы решительно препятствуют политическому диалогу между ними. Турецко-польские отношения имеют длительную историю. В 2014 году оба государства отметили 600-летие дипломатических отношений. Несмотря на многочисленные конфликты в истории, оба государства последовательно прилагали усилия по поддержанию и улучшению взаимных отношений. В настоящее время на языке дипломатии двусторонние отношения между государствами по-прежнему являются дружескими. Автор настоящей работы постарается продемонстрировать, действительно ли их можно определить таковыми.
EN
Türkiye and Poland are located in different geopolitical areas, so ideological and social factors strongly impede political dialogue between them. Turkish Polish relations have a long history. In 2014, both countries celebrated the 600th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Despite numerous conflicts in history, both states have consistently made efforts to maintain and improve mutual relations. Currently, in the language of diplomacy, bilateral relations between states are still friendly. The paper’s author demonstrates whether they can really be defined as such.
10
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Multimodal Metaphors and Metonymies in Editorial Cartoons about Türkiye in Kathimerini

72%
Altun H. O.
Perspektywy Kultury
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2024
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vol. 45
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issue 2
473-488
PL
Polityczna kreskówka to multimodalny gatunek, który opiera się przede wszystkim na metaforach i metonimiach. Główne cechy karykatur politycznych to, po pierwsze, wyeksponowanie negatywu; po drugie, skondensowanie wielowymiarowych zawiłości w uproszczone przedstawienia. „Kathimerini”, jedna z najstarszych gazet w greckiej prasie, interpretuje wiadomości za pomocą komiksów redakcyjnych, które regularnie publikuje. W niniejszym badaniu karykatury redakcyjne w internetowym wydaniu angielskim „Kathimerini” oraz te związane z Turcją były badane z perspektywy teorii mapowania pojęciowego. Scenariusze rozpoznawalne międzykulturowo funkcjonują jako gotowe do użycia konceptualizacje metaforyczne w kreskówkach. Zaangażowane strony są reprezentowane na tych rysunkach za pomocą predefiniowanych relacji metonimicznych. Innymi słowy, wybrane właściwości domeny źródłowej są rzutowane na domenę docelową przez metonimię. Ogólnie rzecz biorąc, przekazy w kreskówkach są przekazywane za pośrednictwem relacji metonimicznych częściej niż inne strategie. W wyniku współwystępowania obrazów w regularnych wzorcach w różnych kontekstach powstają więc formułowane wyrażenia multimodalne oparte na metonimii.
EN
Political cartoon is a multimodal genre that mainly relies on metaphors and metonymies. The main characteristics of political cartooning are, first, to expose the negative; second, to condense multidimensional complexities down into simplified depictions. Kathimerini, one of the oldest newspapers in the Greek press, interprets the news with editorial cartoons, which it publishes regularly. In this study, editorial cartoons in Kathimerini’s online English edition and those related to Türkiye were studied from the perspective of conceptual mapping theory. Interculturally recognizable scenarios function as readyto-use metaphorical conceptualizations in the cartoons. The involved parties are represented via predefined metonymic relations in such drawings. In other words, the selected properties of the source domain are projected onto the target domain by metonymy. In general, the messages in the cartoons are transmitted through metonymic relations more frequently than other strategies. Thus, formulaic multimodal expressions based on metonymy are produced as a result of the images to cooccur in regular patterns in various contexts.
11
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Schwarz und Grau hinter Weiß und Rot. Autoritäre Potenziale in der türkischen und in der polnischen Gesellschaft im Spiegel der Reportagen Bittersüße Heimat: Bericht aus dem Inneren der Türkei von Necla Kelek und Rückkehr nach Polen: Expeditionen in mein Heimatland von Emilia Smechowski

58%
Okoński K.
Porównania
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2022
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vol. 32
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issue 2
213-231
EN
Post-)migration literature by Polish and Turkish authors in Germany is no longer an artistic elaboration of life abroad, a view of the West from an Eastern perspective or a reflection of traumas, phobias and dreams from the old homeland. More and more frequently, writers with foreign roots refer to the German past and present. Similarly to authors of Turkish origin, Polish writers and journalists living in Germany are reporting on the country of their childhood-and that is not always a sentimental view. Ideological polarization, anti-democratic tendencies, patriarchy, religious radicalism, phantom pains and longing for the imperial past, nationalism and idealization of one’s own history, division of the country into pro-Western metropolises and a conservative province form a background for the journey through the rediscovered country of origin-in Poland and in Türkiye. Emilia Smechowski’s Return to Poland: Expeditions to my home country (2019) and the report by the German-Turkish sociologist Necla Kelek Bittersweet Home: Report from the interior of Turkey (2008) form the starting point for a comparative analysis of the authoritarian potentials in both societies.
DE
(Post-)Migrationsliteratur polnischer und türkischer Autoren in Deutschland ist nicht mehr eine künstlerische Aufarbeitung des Lebens in der Fremde, ein Blick auf den Westen aus östlicher Perspektive oder ein Spiegelbild von Traumata, Phobien und Träumen aus der alten Heimat. Schriftsteller mit ausländischen Wurzeln beziehen sich in ihren Werken immer häufiger auf die deutsche Geschichte und Gegenwart. Ähnlich wie die Autoren türkischer Herkunft, berichten auch die in Deutschland lebenden polnischen Schriftsteller und Publizisten über das Land ihrer Kindheit – und das ist nicht immer ein sentimentaler Blick. Ideologische Polarisierung, antidemokratische Tendenzen, Patriarchat, religiöser Radikalismus, Phantomschmerzen und Sehnsucht nach der imperialen Vergangenheit, Nationalismus und Idealisierung der eigenen Geschichte, Teilung des Landes in prowestliche Metropolen und in eine konservative Provinz bilden einen Hintergrund für die Wanderung durch das wiederentdeckte Herkunftsland – in Polen und in der Türkei. Emilia Smechowskis Rückkehr nach Polen. Expeditionen in mein Heimatland (2019) und die Reportage der deutsch-türkischen Soziologin Necla Kelek Bittersüße Heimat: Bericht aus dem Inneren der Türkei (2008) bilden den Ausgangspunkt für eine vergleichende Analyse der autoritären Potentiale in beiden Gesellschaften.
12
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Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne Turcji

58%
Olech A., Potera N.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2023
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issue 1(36)
122-140
RU
Турция зависит от импорта энергоресурсов из-за рубежа, но ее текущая экономи- ческая стратегия основана на диверсификации источников поставок, что сделает ее менее подверженной возможным манипуляциям со стороны поставщиков. Энергетическая политика правительства направлена на увеличение доли возобновляемых источников энергии и внутреннего рынка энергоресурсов. Несмотря на продолжающийся вооруженный конфликт на Украине, Турция не отказывается от энергетического сотрудничества с Россией, пытаясь балансировать между Востоком и Западом. Главной причиной стала пандемия Covid-19, вынудившая Анкару активизировать экономические и энергетические контакты с Москвой. Цель статьи – представить вызовы, с которыми в настоящее время сталкивается Турция в сфере энергетической безопасности. Авторы статьи попытаются ответить на следующие исследовательские вопросы: Какова основная цель экономической стратегии Анкары? Есть ли у Турции альтернативы энергетическому сотрудничеству с Россией? Роль Анкары в Альянсе НАТО имеет решающее значение, как и ее положение на международной арене. По этой причине необходимо провести исследование Türkiye.
EN
Türkiye is dependent on imports of energy resources from abroad, but its current economic strategy is based on the diversification of supply sources, which will make it less susceptible to possible manipulation by suppliers. The government’s energy policy focuses on increasing the share of renewable energy resources and domestic energy. Despite the ongoing armed conflict in Ukraine, Türkiye has not given up on energy cooperation with Russia, trying to balance between East and West. The main reason was the Covid-19 pandemic, which forced Ankara to intensify economic and energy contacts with Moscow again. The aim of the article is to present the challenges that Türkiye is currently facing in the sphere of energy security. The authors of the article will try to answer the following research questions: What is the primary objective of Ankara’s economic strategy? Does Türkiye have alternatives to energy cooperation with Russia? The role of Ankara in the NATO Alliance is crucial as well as its position in the international arena. For this reason the research on Türkiye must be carried out.
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