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EN
Russia’s intervention in Syria in 2015 marked the Russian Federation (RF) return as a key player in the Middle East and North Africa. In this context, the relations between Russia and the UAE are of utmost importance for both entities, for the region, and globally. This article seeks to fill a gap in scholarly knowledge by answering questions about the nature of the emerging cooperation between Russia and the UAE. How Russia seeks to use the UAE to expand its sphere of influence in the MENA region and how the UAE uses this cooperation to achieve its foreign policy goals. The article applies protocooperation (an analogy to the ecological relationship) as a model for the Russia-UAE partnership. The RF is strengthening its position in the MENA regarding the UAE as a key partner for regaining its political, economic, and military influence in the MENA region. Russia-UAE’s partnership aims at achieving conjunctural geopolitical interests benefiting from diminished Western, mainly the US, presence in the region.
EN
Employee’s performance evaluation plays a critical role in increasing the effectiveness of control and supervision within the public sector by observing, evaluating and analyzing of public employee’s work in order to determine the appropriateness of employees for the job and whether or not s/he deserves to be promoted. Therefore, this paper aims to examine whether or not the UAE legislator provides the adequate guarantees for ensuring the fairness and effectiveness of the evolution process of the federal employee.
EN
This paper aims to present construction of partnerships and companies in United Arab Emirates and compares them with partnerships and companies existing in Poland. Paper starts from description of historical backgrounds of partnerships and companies in Europe and in Sharia. Later, based on legal acts, it includes a presentation of companies and partnerships existing in Poland and UAE. Conclusions show origins of companies and partnerships in UAE, as well as similarities and differences between companies and partnerships in Poland and UAE.
EN
The preliminary results of a comprehensive survey of Sīnīya Island in the Khawr al-Bayḍāʾ of Umm al-Quwain are presented here. The onset of human occupation remains to be confirmed, with scarce evidence for limited activity in the late pre-Islamic period (LPI, c. 300 BC – AD 300). The first major phase of occupation dates to the seventh and eighth centuries (early Islamic period) when a monastery and settlement were established in the north-east of the island. Probably the peak occupation falls between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when the stone-town of Old Umm al-Quwain 1 was built, followed by the eighteenth to early nineteenth century when the settlement moved to neighbouring Old Umm al-Quwain 2. The town was destroyed by the British in 1820 and moved to the facing tidal island, where Old Umm al-Quwain 3 (the modern city of the same name) developed. This resulted in an emptying of the landscape, and Sīnīya Island was little visited in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, except for the estate of the ruling Āl Muʿallā represented by the Mallāh Towers.
The Lawyer Quarterly
|
2020
|
vol. 10
|
issue 4
509-520
EN
The UAE legislature regulates the use of telecommunication technology in criminal proceedings pursuant to Decree Law No. (05) of year 2017 on the Use of Telecommunication Technology in Criminal Proceedings and Ministerial Decree No. (259) of year 2019 on the Procedural Manual for the Regulation of Litigation Using Electronic Means and Telecommunication in Criminal Proceedings. Despite the simple, fast and cost-effective justice this system achieves, it aims at achieving balance and equality between adversaries and supports the UAE trends in terms of using modern technology in transactions. Yet, it has emerged jurisprudential debate regarding the guarantees that can be provided to the accused when using the telecommunication technique. So, do such technologies provide the same guarantees provided by the conventional litigation proceedings?
PL
Artykuł opisuje podejście do dwujęzyczności i sposobu jej nauczania na przykładzie emiratu Abu Dhabi w Zjednoczonych Emiratach Arabskich. Praca ta przedstawia zarówno zarys pedagogiczny, aczkolwiek głównie skupia się na kontekście społeczno kulturowym. Porusza ważny problem możliwości utraty dziedzictwa kulturowego podczas dwujęzycznego program nauczania i w jaki sposób rząd i ministerstwo edukacji chroni swój naród przed tym zagrożeniem. Kolejno omawia podstawy prawne sektora edukacyjnego w Abu Dhabi i Zjednoczonych Emiratach.
EN
This article describes the different methods used in bilingual education programs, focusing on how they have been adapted in Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The article outlines pedagogical approaches and describes the relevant sociocultural context. It outlines actions that might result in a loss of heritage and details how the government has protected the nation from these risks. It also discusses the legal background of the educational sector in the UAE and the Emirate.
EN
This paper empirically analyzes the impact of liquidity risk on key financial performance aspects of Islamic banks in the UAE. To document the association between liquidity risk and other performance ratios, time series data are taken for full-fledged Islamic banks working in the UAE from 2000 to 2014. Liquidity ratios and capital adequacy ratios, profitability ratios, and tangibility ratios are determined. Correlation and regression analyses are used to test the study hypotheses using SPSS. The findings indicate that capital adequacy and tangibility ratios are the main factors to determine liquidity risk of UAE Islamic banks. Furthermore, the results showed that the size of Islamic banks’ assets and capital adequacy had a positive and significant association with liquidity risk. Policymakers and Islamic finance experts should devote more attention to enhancing the base of Islamic finance assets to manage liquidity issues.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza polityki monarchii Zatoki Perskiej w Rogu Afryki. Bliskie więzy historyczne między dwoma regionami dały początek głębokiej współpracy między państwami afrykańskimi i arabskimi. Monarchie Zatoki Perskiej przez długi czas rywalizowały o pogłębienie swojego wpływu politycznego, gospodarczego i bezpieczeństwa w regionie. Wzmocnienie więzi gospodarczych z Rogiem Afryki pomogło zwiększyć bezpieczeństwo żywnościowe w Zatoce Perskiej. Inwestycje arabskich monarchii w modernizację portów w Sudanie, Erytrei, Somalii i Dżibuti pomagają poprawić infrastrukturę logistyczną w północno-wschodniej Afryce. Jednocześnie szybka militaryzacja regionu spowodowana utworzeniem wielu baz wojskowych państw Zatoki Perskiej w Rogu Afryki zwiększa poziom konfliktów generowanych w regionie. Zarówno Morze Czerwone, jak i Zatoka Adeńska mają strategiczne znaczenie dla zbrojnego wsparcia kampanii wojskowej koalicji Arabii Saudyjskiej i Zjednoczonych Emiratów Arabskich w Jemenie. Dlatego też Róg Afryki również zyskał strategiczne znaczenie ze względu na konflikt w Jemenie, a ambitne państwa Zatoki Perskiej coraz bardziej angażują się w regionalną geopolitykę. Arabia Saudyjska i Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie, jako główny sojusznik Rijadu w Zatoce Perskiej, coraz częściej postrzegają Róg Afryki jako swoją „zachodnią flankę bezpieczeństwa”. Łączy je chęć zapobieżenia rosnącym wpływom Turcji, Iranu i Kataru w tej części świata. Rywalizacja między Arabią Saudyjską, Zjednoczonymi Emiratami Arabskimi, Katarem i Iranem pomaga przyciągnąć inwestycje, utrzymać ogólną stabilność i poprawić sytuację bezpieczeństwa w Rogu Afryki. Mediacja w konfliktach i gromadzenie aktywów w Rogu Afryki umożliwiły Arabii Saudyjskiej, ZEA i Katarowi ustanowienie wpływów politycznych w regionie. Państwa Zatoki Perskiej wykorzystują swoje rosnące wpływy gospodarcze, bezpieczeństwa i dyplomatyczne w Afryce, aby zmniejszyć wpływy konkurentów i uzyskać międzynarodowe poparcie na arenie światowej.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyze the policy of the Gulf monarchies in the Horn of Africa. Close historical ties between two regions have given rise to deep cooperation between African and Arab states nowadays. Gulf monarchies competed for a long time to deepen their political, economic and security impact in the region. Strengthening economic ties with the Horn of Africa has helped increase food security in the Persian Gulf. Investments by Arab monarchies in modernizing ports in Sudan, Eritrea, Somalia and Djibouti are helping to improve logistics infrastructure in the Northeast Africa. At the same time, the rapid militarization of the region due to the establishment of a number of Gulf states military bases in the Horn of Africa is increasing the level of conflict-generating in the region. The Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden both have strategic importance for the armed support for the military campaign of the Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates coalition in Yemen. That is why the Horn of Africa has also gained strategic importance due to the conflict in Yemen, and therefore the ambitious Gulf states have become increasingly have become increasingly involved in the regional geopolitics. Saudi Arabia and the UAE, as the main ally of Riyadh in the Persian Gulf, are increasingly seeing the Horn of Africa as their “western flank of security.” They are united by the desire to prevent the growing influence of Turkey, Iran and Qatar in this part of the world. The competition between Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar and Iran helps to attract investments, maintain general stability and improve the security situation in the Horn of Africa. Conflict mediation and asset build-up in the Horn of Africa have enabled Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar to establish political influence in the region. The Gulf states are using their growing economic, security and diplomatic influence in Africa to reduce the influence of competitors and gain international support on the world stage.
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