Search results - CEJSH

1

Nation-Building in Post-Maidan Ukraine

100%

Kuczyńska-Zonik A., Kowalczyk J.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2016

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issue 3

91-105

XX

The process of nation-building started shortly after communism collapsed, but the democratic changes called the “Revolution of Dignity” in Maidan 2013 made it more intensive. The need for real independence and the prospect of connecting with the European Community raised awareness of new identity. A dynamic nation-building process has influenced Ukrainian society to integrate with common values and pivotal political ideas. The study assumed that: a) the democratic revolution, which began in 2013 on Maidan, was a result of the growth of political consciousness and national identity; b) political changes were accompanied by an intensification of the process of nation-building; and c) despite significant social mobilisation, there are some obstacles that impede the formation of a civic nation in Ukraine. They are results of the domestic factors (the weakness of institutions and civic organisations) and external elements (the war with Russia). It is clear that Euromaidan raised the issue of national political unity, despite the ethnic, linguistic and religious bases. A high level of inclusiveness and tolerance towards “others” ensures continuing integration of minorities into Ukrainian society. However, the key problems hindering national development remain unsolved.

2

Decentralizacja a bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy

100%

Ksenicz I.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2015

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issue 1

101-118

EN

The problem of the Ukrainian political system has become one of the axes of conflict in Donbas. To undermine the sovereignty of its neighbour, the Russian Federation is using concepts of federalisation, autonomisation or decentralisation of Ukraine, depending on the circumstances. Meanwhile, local government reform is among the top priorities of the government in Kyiv. The transfer of prerogatives to the local and regional levels at the time of military conflict may weaken the state’s mobilisation capacities. The special status of a part of Donbas envisaged in the Minsk agreement as an element of decentralisation reform is synonymous with autonomy. Hence its acceptance will in fact mean Ukraine’s acquiescence to the presence of a propagator of separatism on its own territory.

3

Foreign Policy Behaviour: Ukraine and the CIS

100%

Hansen F. S.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2016

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issue 3

78-90

EN

Relying on a large quantitative data set from the United Nations General Assembly voting records in the years 1992 to 2015, this study analyses developments in the foreign policy preferences of Ukraine and the other members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). It finds that the general level of disagreement between the CIS members as a whole has increased significantly, and that Ukraine is a major outlier and thus contributor to this development. The voting distance between Ukraine and Russia is now quite pronounced and seems to be increasing. This process was initiated with the 2004 Orange Revolution and it has since accelerated.

4

Współczesne znaczenie aktu wypowiedzenia wojny w kontekście konfliktu na wschodzie Ukrainy

63%

Ochmann P., Wojas J.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2015

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issue 4

93-105

EN

The article focuses on the problem of the declaration of war, which has gained a new dimension as a result of the conflict in east Ukraine. Recent events need to be taken into consideration in order to comprehend the complexity of the issue, and the analysis conducted enables researchers to gain a better insight into many elements of the process.

5

Turmoil in Ukraine: A Sign of the Coming Disorder in the Post-Soviet World?

63%

Secrieru S.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 4

75-98

EN

What are the immediate implications of the turmoil in Ukraine for the post-Soviet region? With a brief look at the Russian–Ukrainian, multi-layered conflict, the article assess its impact on both states. In the second part, the analysis focuses on the security, political and economic repercussions of the conflict in Ukraine for the post-Soviet states. It also looks at the situation in other areas, those with “frozen conflicts,” and unveils Russia’s strategies to destabilise its neighbours and anticipates the economic consequences for the post-Soviet world of the turbulence in Ukraine and Russia’s economic decline.

6

Ukraińska pułapka na Putina

63%

Wóycicki K.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2014

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issue 1

7-17

EN

The author analyses the Ukrainian–Russian conflict, as yet unresolved. It takes into account two extreme scenarios. The first is a Russian invasion, which would start a new Cold War. Given the huge disparities between the economic potential of Russia and the West (disparities greater than in the first period of the Cold War), there is a high probability a new Cold War would lead to the defeat of Moscow within a decade. The second scenario is one in which economic reforms in Ukraine are successful in obtaining the country’s full independence from Russia. Such a development could have a serious impact on Russian society, which may start to be attracted to the Western model and disappointed with the current illusion of nationalist “mobilisation”. The author believes that Putin should not be regarded as a political strategist. His vision of “reconstruction” is something like that used during the times of the Soviet Union and seems not to have a deeper foundation than a superficial propaganda base. Putin is a politician running ad hoc policy, largely through organised provocations by security services, not only in Crimea and eastern Ukraine but also more widely, such as on the internet. The main conclusion of the article is that the recent politics practiced by Moscow are a selfensnaring trap.

7

О Национальной Идентификации Чехова

63%

Глотов А.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2012

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vol. 3

431-438

EN

In the article the suppositions about the Ukrainian origin of Anton Chekhov which occurred in the Ukrainian mass medias are refuted on the basis of his personal correspondence. In article’s author’s judgment a problem of national self-identification of Chekhov is quite far-fetched, arising out of casual public servant slip of the tongue, and this problem got an invented meaningfulness from Chekhov surroundings. Author supposes that the world historical value of work of Chekhov does not can and must not depend on a political situation.

8

Literatura prywatna. Z Tarasem Prochaśką rozmawia prof. Krystyna Pietrych

63%

Pietrych K., Prochaśko T., Kałowska A.

Czytanie Literatury. Łódzkie Studia Literaturoznawcze

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2014

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vol. 03

PL

Profesor Krystyna Pietrych rozmawia z ukraińskim pisarzem Tarasem Prochaśką o jego twórczości, zwłaszcza ostatniej książce, pt. W gazetach tego nie napiszą, diagnozującej przyczyny trudnej sytuacji politycznej Ukrainy, a także dzieciństwie i inspiracjach pisarza.

EN

Professor Krystyna Pietrych talks to the Ukrainian writer Taras Prochaśka about his work, especially the last book, They Won’t Wrote about It in the Newspapers, di- agnosing the causes of the difficult political situation in Ukraine, and the writer's childhood and inspirations.

9

Aneksja Krymu przez Rosję w świetle prawa międzynarodowego

63%

Grzebyk P.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2014

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issue 1

19-37

EN

The aim of the article is to answer the following questions: did Russia violate international law by executing an armed intervention in Crimea and what are the legal consequences of the Crimean crisis? The author claims that Russia committed aggression against Ukraine, thus violating a peremptory norm of international law. As a consequence, not only Russia is legally responsible for the commission of an internationally wrongful act but also third states and international organisations obliged to bring to an end serious breaches of international law. As well, these latter two are obliged to not recognise the unlawful annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol by Russia. The author analyses legal justifications of the Russian actions, such as defence of nationals, intervention by invitation, humanitarian intervention and the right to exercise self-determination. The author claims that the legal arguments presented by Russia are not convincing, taking into account the circumstances of the crisis.

10

Становление и развитие высшего образования в украине

63%

ВАСИЛЮК А.

Rocznik Pedagogiczny

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2014

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vol. 37

139-150

EN

The article presents the common causes (external and internal factors) for reforming the national higher education, which actively began after the proclamation of the independence of Ukraine. Strategies of state policy in the sphere of education are presented. They are aimed at overcoming the crisis of the previous socialist education system, ensuring the state's needs for highly qualified specialists and scientific research, promoting development of the society through the establishing a competitive human capital. Ways and the complexity of formation and development of the national high school during the last decade of the XX–XXI centuries of the first decade are researched. Promising development vectors in the context of European integration, socially-oriented market economy and student centered learning are highlighted.

11

Направления решения проблемы конфликта интересов на фондовом рынке Украины

63%

Болдуева О.

Nierówności społeczne a wzrost gospodarczy

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2012

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vol. 26

147-155

EN

he article presents research trends in the stock market of Ukraine, identified the need to strengthen anti-corruption and, consequently, developed a number of proposals aimed at easing the manifestation of a conflict of interest of market participants

PL

W niniejszej pracy zbadano trendy na ukraińskim rynku funduszy inwestycyjnych, wskazując na potrzebę wzmocnienia walki z korupcją. Zaproponowano szereg rozwiązań mających na celu ograniczenie przejawów konfliktu interesów uczestników rynku.

12

Ukraine’s Innovation-Driven Economic Development: Institutional Challenges

63%

Artemenko L.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2016

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issue 2

74-92

EN

This paper studies the link between innovative development, institutional arrangements and economic performance in Ukraine. The research investigates whether, and to what extent, institutional arrangements in Ukraine influence its innovation-driven economic development, and how this impact can be measured for the whole economy and for a specific sector (IT). The research aims to discover how the pillars of the National Innovation System (NIS) and their interactions in the dynamic perspective influence the innovative development of Ukraine in general, and of the IT sector in particular. Mixed method research is applied in the paper. Empirical research is employed to test the causative effect of the pillars of Ukraine’s NIS on innovative development and to model the relationship between the explanatory and response variables. Qualitative research is then presented, in the form of responses to in-depth interviews with the personnel of IT companies, to support or contradict the results of empirical research.

13

„Poeci na barykady!” – O rewolucyjnym charakterze poezji Euromajdanu

54%

Barłowski D.

Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne

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2020

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vol. 16

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issue 2

1-14

EN

In this article, I analyse reactions of writers belonging to the “Young Ukraine” to the Euromaidan. In the first part, I define the specific character of the “Young Ukraine”. In the next part, I present the volume Nebesna Sotnya/ Heaven’s Hundred Heroes as a form of resistance against the authorities. In the third part, I focus on the writings of Andriy Lyubka in the context of the pro-EU revolution. Finally, I describe the literary reaction to the end of the Euromaidan (focussing mainly on the writings of Lyubka).

14

„Kryzys ukraiński ” – czy konieczność redefinicji polskiej polityki imigracyjnej?

51%

Duszczyk M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2016

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issue 41

37-56

EN

Difficult political and economic situation of Ukraine is quoted as the reason underlying growing inflow of the nationals of that state to Poland. The most frequently used instrument to obtain the right of stay and employment in Poland by Ukrainians is comprised by the declaration of an employer on the intention to entrust employment to a foreigner. Growth in the number of registered declarations causes a reaction of the government aimed to restrict the scale of the inflow. At the same time in the debate before parliamentary elections in 2015 the topic was addressed very rarely. In the case of migration issues, the debate was pursued around the problem of potential arrival to Poland of refugees from African states, who reached the European Union. The paper contains a statistical analysis of the scale of inflow of Ukrainians to Poland and conclusions from a review of the election agendas that emerged before the 2015 parliamentary elections in terms of account taken of migration topics. The paper also shows evolution of Polish immigration policy in the first years of 2010s. On this basis, three scenarios were presented for changes in Polish immigration policy as a result of the so-called “Ukrainian crisis”.

15

Euro-2012: Benefits for Ukraine

51%

Karyagin Y., Volovets T.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

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2012

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issue 1(3)

253-256

EN

The authors of the article concentrate their readers’ attention on the benefits which Ukraine has had once it became one of the hosting countries of EURO 2012.

16

European Integration of Ukraine: the Perspective of Ukrainians and Poles

51%

Lewandowska A., Inglot-Brzęk E.

Barometr Regionalny. Analizy i prognozy

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2015

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issue 3(41)

17-24

EN

Despite the fact that discussions have focused on the Association Agreement and resolving the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine as a turning point in EU-Ukraine relations, we look at the European integration of Ukraine from the perspective of public opinion. This is important because public opinion is one of the most important EU factors that may affect European integration and Europeanization processes in the EU countries. This article provides among other aspects the answer to the question: What are the positive and negative effects of the integration of Ukraine into the EU, in the opinion of Polish entrepreneurs?

PL

Pomimo faktu, że wszystkie dyskusje zostały skoncentrowane na sprawie umowy o stowarzyszeniu i kwestii rozwiązania konfliktu zbrojnego na wschodzie Ukrainy jako punkt zwrotny w stosunkach UE — Ukraina, proponujemy spojrzeć na integrację europejską Ukrainy z perspektywy opinii publicznej. Jest to ważne, ponieważ opinia publiczna jest jednym z najważniejszych unijnych czynników, które mogą mieć wpływ na integrację europejską i europeizację procesów w krajach UE. Artykuł stanowi odpowiedź na następujące pytania: Co sądzą na temat integracji europejskiej Ukrainy Ukraińcy i Polacy? Jakie są pozytywne i negatywne skutki integracji Ukrainy do UE, w opinii polskich przedsiębiorców? W poszukiwaniu odpowiedzi na wyznaczone pytania zaprezentowane zostały wyniki badań opinii publicznej przeprowadzonych na Ukrainie i w Polsce oraz wyniki badań prowadzonych wśród polskich przedsiębiorców, którzy współpracują z ukraińskimi partnerami.

17

Sprawozdanie z I Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowej „Polska i Ukraina w obliczu radykalnych zmian społecznych. Diagnozy i znaki zapytania”, Kraków, 26–27 lutego 2020

51%

Błażejewska M.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia de Cultura

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2020

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vol. 12

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issue 2

163-165

18

Udział polskiej delegacji w obchodach 360-lecia podpisania unii hadziackiej 16 września 1658 roku

51%

Nagielski M.

Studia Polsko-Ukraińskie

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2019

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vol. 6

236-239

PL

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19

Ukraińcy z Monachium. O okupacji niemieckiej, trudnym wychodźstwie i podziałach emigracyjnych

51%

Khoronzhuk K.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

299-312

EN

The paper reflects on selected parts from interviews taken by the author in Lune 2016 in Munich. All the participants are so-called „displaced persons”, who after the end of the World War II were on the territory of Germany. For different reasons they did not go to the West but also decided not to return to their Motherland. In the beginning of the article the author mentions the reasons of the decisions to interview Ukrainians in Munich. They share their memories about the time spent in displaced persons camps (about 10 years). The interviewees talked about Polish-Ukrainian antagonisms, which had taken place before the beginning of World War II, the unpleasant reality during the German occupation, the terms of work in the camps of the Reich and the divisions within the Ukrainian diaspora.

20

FOLLOWING CONTINUITY AND CHANGE: ITALY’S VIEW ON EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD POLICY TOWARDS UKRAINE

51%

Vdovychenko V.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2017

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issue 26

EN

Current EU economic and security challenges on the territory of the EU’s ‘ring of friends’ open a new page of its history influencing European security and stability framework of development. Therefore, it’s crucial to understand circumstances that favored to the catalyst progress of unstable neighborhoods. The article presents an analysis of the Italy’s position towards European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern dimension of this policy – Eastern Partnership. A special interest is focus on its view towards Ukraine, being a reality-check for the European Union officials after the Revolution of Dignity, the illegal annexation of Crimea and the hybrid war of Russia. This article is presenting the ideas that ENP was created by the EU as an instrument for the democratization which couldn’t prevent conflicts in the geopolitically diverse regions. Italy, being one of the founding members of the European Union, was reluctant advocate a balanced approach towards the neighborhood regions. It merely focused on the Southern dimension of the ENP, almost taking apart Eastern Partnership. In the first part, the article demonstrates the development process of the ENP with a special attention that it coincided with the EU 5th enlargement preparation. This dualism influenced on the ENP tailoring and subsequent implementation. The second part focuses on the of the Italy’s opinion development from ENP launch till 2009 when its Eastern dimension - Eastern Partnership – was introduced. The third part analyzes Italy’s perception of Eastern Partnership and its attempts to reschedule EU’s attention to the South flank of the ENP in the post-Crimea annexation period.

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