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EN
The sources and manifestations of human fear are so manifold that they cannot be fully explored in a short text. The aim of this article is rather to give a picture about how soldier’s fear was judged during the First World War. Furthermore, I will also discuss the history of the attitude toward soldier’s fear. Understanding the relevant aspects of its discourse could help us to understand why guns were blessed by the churches and why soldiers were expected to sacrifice their lives without fear. In addition, this short article aims to show that researching the history of collective emotion provides not only insights into the hidden mental structures of a society, but it sheds light on human motivations and on the “rationality” of emotions as well. Although emotions can be considered as anthropological constants, their naming and expression are always shaped by the written and unwritten rules of communities. Culture and language provide a frame in which the basic emotions vary and differentiate from each other. Every culture has its own set of emotions, and they play an important role in communication processes and in the maintenance of norms. In every society, there are emotions that receive positive social recognition, but there are also some with negative connotations or taboos. Soldiers fear is also one of the collective feelings that has long been denied and tabooed. But is it even possible to ignore or even forbid a feeling? History shows the consequences that the suppression of fear has had.
EN
After the armistice, Belgium had to reconstruct itself politically and culturally. In literature, this led to latinization that very quickly became a sort of assimilation to France. At the same time, this caused an increase of national conscience that developed among young people as a movement alongside the literary, which has returned under French suzerainty. Some writers (Gauchez, Perier, etc.), however, began to celebrate Belgian francophone authors in order to claim the existence of a different corpus of French literature per se. In 1919, young author Henry Soumagne returned from the German camps and gave in “Les épaves” a fable that attests to the tension between the weight of the 19th-century Belgian myth and 1920s modernism.
EN
The Shaping of Polish Identity in the “Dziennik Kijowski” in 1914-1916The First World War was a real catalyst for the shaping of national identities in Eastern Europe. Like all wars, it aroused discussions about the future of peoples caught up in the conflict, especially those who did not possess their own statehood. The Polish nation was among them. How did its political elite respond to the beginning of the Great War in Europe, what was discussed and what topics raised by the Polish newspapers, how Poland’s future and Polish identity was seen and determined at that time? In this article I try to answer these questions by analyzing political, social and literary materials in the Polish daily Dziennik Kijowski published in Kyiv in 1906-1920. Based on archival sources, publications of the Dziennik, analysis of the censuses, and historiography, this publication depicts the “Polish Kyiv”, reflects on various opinions about the newspaper’s editorial policies during the war, and defines the main topics that were elaborated by the Dziennik in 1914-1916 regarding Polish identity issues. During this period the newspaper, as well as the majority of members of the Polish community in Kyiv, was loyal to the Russian authorities. At the same time, the Dziennik Kijowski constantly reminded its readers what the Polish identity meant not only by the mere fact that the newspaper was published in the Pollish language, but also by the Polish matters as the contents of its columns. Kształtowanie polskości na łamach „Dziennika Kijowskiego” w latach 1914-1916Pierwsza wojna światowa stała się prawdziwym katalizatorem kształtowania tożsamości narodowych w Europie Wschodniej. Jak każda inna wojna wywoływała ona dyskusje o przyszłości narodów wciągniętych w konflikt, zwłaszcza tych, które nie posiadały swojej państwowości. Do takich narodów wówczas należał również naród polski. W jaki sposób polskie elity polityczne zareagowały na początek Wielkiej Wojny w Europie, o czym dyskutowano i jakie tematy poruszano na łamach prasy polskiej, jak widziano przyszłość Polski i określano polskość w tym okresie? W artykule spróbowałam udzielić odpowiedzi na te pytania, analizując materiały „Dziennika Kijowskiego”, codziennego polskiego pisma politycznego, społecznego i literackiego, wychodzącego w Kijowie w latach 1906-1920. Na podstawie źródeł archiwalnych, publikacji z „Dziennika”, analizy spisów ludności, historiografii nakreśliłam wizerunek „polskiego Kijowa” i ukazałam różnorakie opinie o orientacji wydawnictwa w czasie wojny, jak również główne tematy poruszane na łamach „Dziennika” dotyczące problematyki kształtowania tożsamości polskiej w latach 1914-1916. W badanym okresie „Dziennik Kijowski”, podobnie jak większość przedstawicieli społeczności polskiej w Kijowie, był lojalny wobec władz rosyjskich. Niemniej, nie tylko poprzez język wydania, ale też przez zawartość odpowiednich rubryk ciągłe przypominał czytelnikom o tym, czym jest polskość.
Asian and African Studies
|
2017
|
vol. 26
|
issue 1
22 – 40
EN
Britain was granted a mandate over Iraq to help it advance to readiness for full independence in the San Remo Conference (April 1920) after World War I. In June 1920, an armed revolt against British rule broke out and quickly spread through the mid-Euphrates regions. The heavily armed and surprisingly determined tribes scored a number of early and significant successes. The crushing of the revolt involved besides the cost of lives the expenditure of huge amounts from the British Treasury. Winston Churchill, in taking charge of the Near and Middle East affairs, called a conference to Cairo on March 1921. The questions considered by the conference included the immediate reduction of British expenditure in Iraq with the consequent revision of policy involving 1. future relationship of Iraq to Great Britain; 2. the person of the future ruler of Iraq; 3. the nature and composition of the defence forces of the new state which was to assume an increasing share of its own defence.
EN
The Netherlands was an important arena of propaganda work for both sides of the conflict during WWI. One of the major tasks of German diplomatic posts in The Hague, Amsterdam and Rotterdam was undoubtedly to skilfully manipulate Dutch public opinion regarding the occupied territory of Belgium. This was undertaken to contradict the propaganda work of the Triple Entente. Apart from that, the areas of the eastern war front, including the so-called “Polish issue”, were also hotly debated in the Netherlands. This paper presents the historical background and the organisational structure of the German culture propaganda in the years 1914–1918. Moreover, it focuses on the activity of the Polish Press Agency (Het Poolsch Persbureau), founded in the Netherlands in 1914 by Zygmunt Gargas. The Agency constituted the sole source of information on Poland available in the area of neutral countries during WWI.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy problematyki dziedzictwa frontu wschodniego I wojny światowej na przykładzie cmentarzy wojennych z okolic Myszyńca na Kurpiowszczyźnie. Bazuje na zachowanych materiałach i literaturze archiwalnej, analizie numerycznego modelu terenu, terenowych badaniach dokumentacyjnych oraz archiwum historii mówionej. Zwięźle omawia ideę niemieckiego grobownictwa I wojny światowej na Wschodzie, którą objęci zostali polegli żołnierze obu walczących armii, oraz prezentuje dotychczasowe osiągnięcia w zakresie ujawniania i dokumentowania zapomnianych cmentarzy na terenie objętym opracowaniem.
EN
The article concerns issues of heritage of the Eastern Front of WWI on the example of war cemeteries in Myszyniec area in Kurpie region. It’s based on preserved archival materials and literature, analysis of the digital terrain model, field documentary research and oral history archive. Briefly discusses the idea of German commemoration of the fallen soldiers of both fighting armies and presents current achievements in revealing and documenting forgotten cemeteries in the area covered by the study.
Avant
|
2017
|
vol. 8
|
issue 2
EN
This article employs the concepts of spectres and haunting to analyse Graham Swift’s Mothering Sunday: A Romance (2016) as a commentary on (literary) history and its economy of spectres. Referring to Jacques Derrida’s notions of haunting, inheritance, and time, I focus on the spectres of literary modernism and the First World War to explore the ways in which Swift’s novella questions the canonical representation of modernism and revises the conventional means of writing about the past, memory, and history. The analysis of Mothering Sunday approaches the spectre as a figure of repressed otherness and a reminder of what has been excluded or silenced, so as to trace some of the ghosts that appear in the book and to underline its melancholic, spectral character. Situating Swift’s novella within the context of contemporary cultural criticism, I propose to see it as a sign of a larger cultural and critical turn, where spectres have been assimilated into the structure of the everyday and where the experience of haunting has become a major expression of the present condition.
Avant
|
2017
|
vol. 8
|
issue 2
EN
This article employs the concepts of spectres and haunting to analyse Graham Swift’s Mothering Sunday: A Romance (2016) as a commentary on (literary) history and its economy of spectres. Referring to Jacques Derrida’s notions of haunting, inheritance, and time, I focus on the spectres of literary modernism and the First World War to explore the ways in which Swift’s novella questions the canonical representation of modernism and revises the conventional means of writing about the past, memory, and history. The analysis of Mothering Sunday approaches the spectre as a figure of repressed otherness and a reminder of what has been excluded or silenced, so as to trace some of the ghosts that appear in the book and to underline its melancholic, spectral character. Situating Swift’s novella within the context of contemporary cultural criticism, I propose to see it as a sign of a larger cultural and critical turn, where spectres have been assimilated into the structure of the everyday and where the experience of haunting has become a major expression of the present condition.
EN
In late summer of 1917 “The 1917 Posen Spoils of War Exhibition” (Kriegsbeute- Ausstellung Posen 1917) was launched in Frederic Park in Poznań (then Posen). The exhibition was part of a series of propaganda exhibitions organised in various cities of the German Reich aimed at presenting military successes of the German army in all fronts of the WWI. While the exhibition was still on, one of the bloodiest battles, the so-called Passchendaele battle (The Third Battle of Ypres) was raging in the Western front. The exhibition, widely reported and commented in the local Germanlanguage press at the time, has now been almost totally forgotten. The exhibition is brought to life by a series of picture postcards with photographic illustrations. The set of postcards comes from the collections of the iconographic material at the University Library in Poznań.
PL
W zbiorach ikonograficznych Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej w Poznaniu znajduje się seria widokówek dokumentujących zorganizowaną w 1917 roku Wystawę Zdobyczy Wojennych (Kriegsbeute-Ausstellung Posen 1917), jedną z serii propagandowych ekspozycji prezentujących sukcesy armii niemieckich na wszystkich frontach wielkiej wojny. W czasie trwania wystawy w pobliżu belgijskiego Passchendaele toczyła się jedna z najkrwawszych bitew, a w Poznaniu – codzienne życie w wojennej rzeczywistości.
EN
What kind of country are we talking about when we speak of Poland from the perspective of the organized Jewish political leadership in Poland? What should the scope and characteristics of the new Polish state in their view be? What kind of relations should Poland have with neighbouring states, as well as within, among its various populations and societies? The paper explores the changing answers given by different political Jewish leadership in a period of liminality – the interval between two stages and two distinct situations: the imperial order (Austrian and Russian) and the Polish national state. It examines Galicia and the Congress Poland from 1914 to 1918 when the territory was disputed among different empires and nations and its fate was far from clear. The article claims that the different visions of Poland presented by the Jewish leadership were grounded in two assumptions. The first was that the Jews as an integral part of society were legitimately entitled to express their own vision of the future state, the second – that the Jews, as an integral part of society, were entitled to equality on all levels of social life. That is the reason, the article claims, behind the demands for a fair distribution of the state’s resources regardless the mother tongue, religion, or ethno-national identification. The efforts the leaders of the Polish Jewry made to include the Jews as a minority group equal to others in the Polish state took place in the framework of the ethno-national ethos as the constitutive principle of state-building. The changing political circumstances and the growing hegemonic discourse based on the nation and nationality brought, claims the article, to the raising of a new Jewish national leadership during World War I. This leadership became convinced that, in the light of the discriminatory policies and growing anti-Jewish violence, only a mechanism of minority rights could guarantee Jewish existence in Poland.
EN
In Canada World War I has been called the Great War until now. As part of the British Empire, the Dominion of Canada entered the war when Great Britain declared war against Germany on 4th August 1914. During four years of this conflict over 600 000100 soldiers served in the Canadian army , among whom 66 000 were killed and app. 150 000 wounded. This article presents the most important challenges and problems connected with the process of creating a pioneer state veteran care system in Canada for veterans of Expeditionary Force fighting in the western front. In effect of efforts of the Ministry of Demobilization and Reintegration of Soldiers, an extensive (at that time) system of medical care, allowances, disability pensions and professional training for the disabled veterans was successfully established. Thus, Canada offered the highest standard of benefits offered to veterans and became a leader among other countries taking part in WWI. Nevertheless, imperfections of the pioneer system and an unfavorable economic situation in the first two years after the war and during the great crisis caused that before the outbreak of WWII, veterans had become a social group who often demonstrated their discontent.
PL
W Kanadzie I wojna światowa do dziś nazywana jest Wielką Wojną (The Great War). Jako część Imperium Brytyjskiego Dominium Kanady przystąpiło do niej z chwilą wypowiedzenia przez Wielką Brytanię wojny Niemcom 4 sierpnia 1914 roku. W trakcie 4 lat konfliktu w armii kanadyjskiej służyło ogółem ponad 600 000101 żołnierzy, z których ponad 66 000 poległo, zaś ok. 150 000 zostało rannych. Tekst niniejszy przedstawia najważniejsze wyzwania i problemy związane z procesem tworzenia w Kanadzie pionierskiego, państwowego systemu opieki nad weteranami Korpusu Ekspedycyjnego, walczącymi na froncie zachodnim. Dzięki wysiłkom Ministerstwa ds. Demobilizacji i Reintegracji Żołnierzy udało się zbudować szeroki, jak na ówczesne czasy, system opieki medycznej, zasiłków, rent i szkoleń zawodowych dla inwalidów wojennych. Tym samym Kanada stała się pod względem zakresu i wysokości oferowanych weteranom świadczeń liderem wśród pozostałych państw biorących udział w I wojnie światowej. Niemniej jednak niedociągnięcia pionierskiego systemu w połączeniu z niesprzyjającymi warunkami ekonomicznymi w pierwszych dwóch latach po wojnie oraz podczas wielkiego kryzysu sprawiły, iż przed wybuchem II wojny światowej weterani stali się grupą społeczną często demonstrującą swoje niezadowolenie.
EN
WWI led to global political and social changes which were visible also on a local level. The situation in Toruń at the end of 1918 or in January 1920 was completely different from the one in the summer of 1914. The Great War of 1914 –1918 was the first event which affected significantly and directly not only soldiers but also inhabitants of areas situated far from the war front. The inhabitants of Toruń were affected by the war in a variety of ways. Eating habits and customs changed; the war even modified the daily timetable of people. Toruń as an important element of the defence system of the Third Reich, situated on the eastern border was equipped with a powerful garrison characterised by a heterogenous ethnic structure, which makes it an inspiring subject of research and analysis in terms of the history of everyday life in the past – both in momentous periods and during times of peace.
DE
Der 1. Weltkrieg brachte politische und gesellschaftliche Wandlungen von globalem Ausmaß mit sich. Die Veränderungen waren auch auf lokaler Ebene sichtbar. Die Lage in Thorn war Ende 1918 oder im Januar 1920 eine ganz andere als im Sommer 1914. Der große Krieg der Jahre 1914 –1918 war das erste Ereignis, das auf bedeutende und unmittelbare Weise nicht nur die kämp-fenden Soldaten betraf, sondern auch die Einwohner des von den Fronten entferntesten Hinterlandes. Die Einwohner von Thorn erlebten während der ganzen Dauer des Konflikts die Härten des täglichen Lebens in dieser Zeit, die sie auf vielerlei Weise zu spüren bekamen. Einer unfreiwilligen Veränderung unterlagen die Ernährungsgewohnheiten, die Sitten, und der Krieg drückte sogar dem Tagesablauf seinen Stempel auf. Thorn war ein wichtiges Element des Verteidigungssystems des Deutschen Reiches, gelegen an dessen östli-chem Rand und besetzt mit einer starken Garnison, dabei mit einer gemischten ethnischen Struktur. Als solches ist es ein interessantes Objekt für Forschun-gen und Analysen zur Geschichte des damaligen Alltagslebens, sowohl an historischen Wendepunkten wie in Zeiten friedlicher Existenz.
PL
W swojej pierwszej części artykuł próbuje śledzić rozwój wielokulturowej struktury I Rzeczpospolitej do narodowo-religijnie ściśle określonej definicji ,polskości‘ w czasach rozbiorów. Wychodząc z tych historycznych uwarunkowań, rozważa się konflikty, do których prowadzą różne perspektywy wspomnień o niemieckich zbrodniach podczas II Wojny Światowej. Ponieważ polska romantyczna konstrukcja tożsamości przede wszystkim cechowała się silnym religijnym ładunkiem, w następnej części artykuł traktuje o różnicach w rozumieniu mesjanizmu w religii żydowskiej i chrześcijańskiej. Na końcu zebrane zostały pewne aspekty współczesnego odradzania się wspomnień o kulturze żydowskiej w Polsce.  
EN
In its first part the article tries to describe the process leading from the multiethnic structure of the First Republic of Poland to the definition of ,polishness‘ in terms of national and religious identity in the period of the partitions of Poland. On this historical background an analysis is provided to elucidate the conflicts in which several perspectives of memory concerning the German crimes during World War II come to expression. As the Polish romantic concept of identity is characterized by religious contents, the following part deals with the differences in the understanding of Messianic idea in Christianity and Judaism. The article closes with an overview of some aspects of the recent revival of memory about the Jewish culture in Poland.
DE
In seinem ersten Teil versucht der Artikel, die Entwicklung nachzuvollziehen von der multiethnischen Struktur der Ersten Rzeczpospolita hin zu einer national wie religiös fest umrissenen Definition des ,Polentums‘ in der Zeit der Teilungen. Auf diesen historischen Grundlagen werden die Konflikte erörtert, zu denen die verschiedenen Perspektiven der Erinnerung an die deutschen Verbrechen des Zweiten Weltkrieges immer wieder führen. Da das polnische Identitätskonstrukt der Romantik maßgeblich von religiösen Überhöhungen geprägt ist, schließt sich eine Betrachtung an über die Unterschiede im Verständnis des Messianismus im Judentum und im Christentum. Zum Schluss versammelt der Beitrag einige Aspekte der gegenwärtigen Wiederbelebung der Erinnerung an die jüdische Kultur in Polen.
PL
Christine Przybyła-Long is one of the 9 milion Americans of Polish origins living in the United States. Her descendatns came to Chicago during the mass migration from the turn of 20th century and she was born there in 1931. In her account Christine Przybyła-Long tells about her childhood and a life of a family belonging to the “Old Polonia”. She gives a lot of attention to the situation of Poles who migrated to the United States after WWII and to her own political involvement into Polish American affairs after 1990, that was crucial in the case of granting four thousand people american visas.
EN
The Polish question did not arouse much interest in France after the Congress of Vienna, and its importance decreased after the Franco-Prussian War. Both political camps fighting for independence during the First World War based their strategies on cooperation with Russia, which soon proved futile (Dmowski), or on armed action on the side of Austria-Hungary (Piłsudski). France, on the other hand, saw Polish independence not accepted by Russia as a threat at the beginning of the war, and its autonomy within the Empire as the best solution. Its interest in an independent Poland as a bulwark against Germany began in 1917 with the manifesto of the Polish National Committee. Towards the end of the war, the national interests of France and Poland, for it was these and not feelings that determined policy, began to converge. Support for Poland at the peace conference was linked to the desire to weaken Germany. However, this must be qualified, because a detailed analysis shows that in the matter of the membership of Danzig and Upper Silesia, France supported the cautious and less favorable British position.
PL
Kwestia polska nie budziła we Francji dużego zainteresowania po kongresie wiedeńskim, a jej znaczenie spadło po wojnie francusko-pruskiej. Dwa obozy polityczne walczące o niepodległość podczas I wojny światowej oparły swoje strategie na współpracy z Rosją, co szybko okazało się jałowe (Dmowski) lub na czynie zbrojnym u boku Austro-Węgier (Piłsudski). Francja uznawała natomiast w początkowej fazie wojny niepodległość Polski nieakceptowaną przez Rosję za zagrożenie, a za najlepsze rozwiązanie – jej autonomię w ramach imperium. Jej zainteresowanie Polską niepodległą jako zaporą przeciw Niemcom zaczęło się w 1917 r. wraz z manifestem Komitetu Narodowego Polskiego. Pod koniec wojny interesy narodowe Francji i Polski, bo to one, a nie uczucia, decydują o polityce, zaczęły być zbieżne. Poparcie dla Polski podczas konferencji pokojowej wiązało się z wolą osłabienia Niemiec. Trzeba je jednak niuansować, bo szczegółowa analiza ukazuje, że w sprawach przynależności Gdańska i Górnego Śląska, Francja wsparła ostrożne i mniej korzystne stanowisko brytyjskie.
FR
La question polonaise n’a suscité guère d’intérêt en France après le Congrès de Vienne, et son importance diminua après la guerre franco-prussienne. Des deux camps politiques qui luttèrent pour l’indépendance pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, l’un fonda sa stratégie sur la coopération avec la Russie qui s’est vite avéré vaine (Dmowski), l’autre sur l’action militaire aux côtés de la monarchie austro-hongroise (Piłsudski). La France, quant à elle, perçoit au début de la guerre l’indépendance polonaise comme une menace, car inacceptée par la Russie et son autonomie au sein de l’Empire comme la meilleure solution. L’intérêt français pour une Pologne indépendante comme rempart contre l’Allemagne commence en 1917 avec le manifeste du Comité national polonais. Vers la fin de la guerre, les intérêts nationaux de la France et de la Pologne, car ce sont eux qui déterminent la politique et non les sentiments, commencent à converger. Le soutien à la Pologne lors de la conférence de paix est lié à la volonté d’affaiblir l’Allemagne. Il faut cependant nuancer ce propos, car une analyse détaillée montre que dans le cas de l’annexion de Dantzig et de la Haute-Silésie, la France a soutenu une position britannique prudente et moins favorable.
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