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PL
The notion of “Western Christianity” appeared in historical and geographical literature in the 19th century.  According to Pew Research Center, Christians were the largest religious group in 2015, constituting 31% of the world population. From the research results of this centre it can be inferred that the world is becoming more and more religious: the number of people describing themselves as religious has increased in the world from 82% in 1970 to 88% in 2013 and it will reach 90% in 2020, as it is predicted in the report.               The religious vitality among young people is especially important for the future of Christianity in Western Europe as well as more generally – in Europe.               Overall, it can be concluded that religion constitutes an unfamiliar aspect of life for most young Europeans. For the future of Christianity in Europe, mainly in Western Europe, it has a pessimistic overtone. 
EN
The article recounts the dawn of Christian education in Western Europe.
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Artykuł omawia początki chrześcijańskiego szkolnictwa w Europie Zachodniej.
EN
The aim of the article was to show the relationship between Bulgaria and Europe in the past and of the present-day. The material used here comprises the texts of Western authors who perpetuated and still perpetuate the condescending treatment of Bulgarians and Bulgaria. The opinions of the Bulgarians about Europe were also presented. It was observed that the negative image of this country is determined by its location in the Balkans. The literature of the Western authors has preserved the idea of the Balkans as a battlefield between East and West, between barbarity and civilization. The border between Europe and the Balkans was understood in the past as a journey from civilization into the wild, from freedom to tyranny. Undoubtedly, the centuries of Turkish rule have left its mark on the inhabitants and culture of the Balkans. Bulgarians inhabiting a part of the Balkan Peninsula automatically found themselves in a part of the continent ill-perceived by the “Western world”. On the other hand, among the Bulgarians, as part of the Slavic world, there is a complex of underestimation and pursuit of Europe. Terms and wording related to the backwardness and catching up with Europe have become an element of the Bulgarian discourse. Bulgarian thinking duplicates stereotypes about the glory of the West and the Europeanization which they aspire to.
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The paper is devoted to evaluation of the econometric method applied as a part of a variance screen in collusion detection procedure. Validation is based on ex-post analysis of Indian cement industry in the 1994 - 2009 time period and comparative study of the obtained results with factual evidences of collusion at that market. The method in question is based on MS(M)AR (p, q) Markov switching model specification. As a result of the research we could identify variability regimes consistent with theoretical motivation of the marker and detect collusion and competition phases partly consistent with historical evidences. However promising, method had some drawbacks applied to high frequency data in the context of variance screen. We proposed some solutions for further research to overcome it.
EN
The paper examines the issue of relevancy of social pacts in the shape that has developed in the Western Europe to a specific environment of Central and Eastern Europe. Firstly, experiences of western European countries with social pacting are summarised ('the western recipe'), with a particular emphasis put on significant similarities observable between the western European countries that managed to sign social pacts. Secondly, attempts undertaken in Central and Eastern Europe in tripartite negotiations aiming at concluding social pacts are reviewed. Finally, an arguably main difference between old and new member states in the context of social dialogue is discussed, that is multiemployer collective bargaining, which while retaining relatively strong position in the west, plays marginal role in the east.
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This paper examines corporate leverage and its determinants on panel of 921 large Western European companies from 2003 to 2010. The results proved a substantial influence of estimated variables on changes in target debt or leverage ratio. Apart of the determinants from the “core” model, I test the influence of stock price variations on changes in capital structure to conclude if companies “time” the market. The estimation procedure of target debt ratio was performed using Fixed-Effect and FGLS methods. The results were compared to the results of often used methodology in previous research – OLS and Tobit regression. I found statistically significant and negative correlation between target leverage ratio and tangibility, market to book, profitability, product uniqueness and total return (average stock return) and statistically significant and positive correlation between target leverage ratio and size. The results suggest the mix of trade-off and pecking order theory predictions and are consistent with findings of previous studies. Future research should focus on impact of leverage deficit (deviations from target leverage ratio) on corporate decisions in Europe.
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This study aims to show the forms of political involvement of Western European intellectuals. In doing so, the paper attempts to answer the question about the role they played in Western and Central Europe in the discussed period. The paper also demonstrates the cultural and political causes of their decline.streszczenie For the intellectuals of Western and Central Europe, World War 2 was an extremely difficult period. The genocidal policies of the totalitarian states induced them to take a position, while at the same time depriving them of the ability to express their views publicly. This engendered a sense of helplessness; also, apart for a few exceptions, only emigrants could actually perform the function of intellectuals. Among those, an important role to play fell to two groups: German emigrants who distanced themselves from their nation, and Jewish emigrants, who addressed the subject of the Holocaust. After the war, the Iron Curtain also restricted the actions of intellectuals. It soon turned out that the tenor of spiritual life was set by left-wing authors, fascinated with the USSR. The fascination petered out after the disclosure of Stalin’s crimes in 1956. It was terminated definitively by the ruthless suppression of the Prague Spring. It was at that time that conservatism and right-wing intellectuals returned to Europe. Their aim was to reverse the trend and prevent Western Europe from drifting leftward. The change of the paradigm served to settle the scores with the leftist intellectuals. They were accused of subversive activities against the state and nation or treason. Also, in the intellectual circles there emerged a conviction that the previous formula had been exhausted. A new formula of activities of intellectuals was considered particularly in France, by authors of such eminence as R. Aron, M. Foucault, or P. Bourdieu. The deconstruction of the figure of the intellectual was completed by J.-F. Lyotard, who pronounced the death of intellectuals. Involvement of intellectuals remained a valid notion only in the countries of the Eastern bloc. In post-Cold War Europe, the decline of intellectuals became even more discernible. This was occasioned by a number of political and cultural factors. In this respect, particular role should be attributed to postmodernism which, by disproving the Enlightenment understanding of culture, undermined the role played by intellectuals.
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This paper surveys the history of the United States policy towards European integration from 1945 up to 1968 before President Nixon came into office. Drawing on a detailed analysis of the documents mostly obtainable from the official websites of the US Department of State, the US National Archives, and the EU Historical Archives, the paper argues that it was the European geopolitical and economic context after the Second World War and the United States national interests which moulded this country’s pro-European integration policy. Thus, the paper will begin with an analysis of the search for global influence between the United States and the Soviet Union before examining how the United States redefined its core interests in recognition of the Soviet threat. Then, it will explore the role that the United States played in reconstructing Western European economy and defending it physically. Also, it is argued that the United States and Western Europe took concerted action together to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Atomic Energy Community (EAEC or Euratom), the very first supranational institutions which have made the European integration process irreversible. It will be concluded that the vitality of the European integration project depended on US economic and political capital for its success.
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Balkan complexes of “worse Europe” in works of Ermis LafazanovskiOver the centuries, the European continent was divided into different spaces according to different axes: both geopolitical and economic history of East and West and the historical and geocultural division into North and South. Differentiation was present in Europe in vari­ous ways, either by the use of geographical terms, which became the indicators of difference, or how the politicians wanted to see it – split into Western Europe, Eastern Europe or Central and Eastern Europe. They represent the heterogeneity and diverse influences of civilization, that are reflected in its culture.The division into different cultural spaces is mirrored in the literature. Here, from a broad selection of south Slavic literature, for the basis of analysis two works of contemporary Macedo­nian writer Ermis Lafazanovski were selected: novel Hrapeshko and short story Exotic cantata. They reveal the existence of cultural differences and traditions, represented in the antinomies friend–foe, top–down which show spatial differences in Europe burdened by her stereotypes.
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Initially, the article describes the perfect educational tour for a young nobleman in the 16th and 17th centuries. However, the ideal, as exemplified by the instructions and advice of parents, was in stark contrast with the actual behaviour of the students. Their excesses, triggered by leaving their family nests, their youth and pride in their heritage, took many forms. Among them were laziness, lack of respect for teachers, scuffles with other Poles or foreign students, drinking, gambling and fornicating. Such behaviour disgraced the young noblemen and led to them being expelled from universities, being incarcerated, or having to pay fines. Sometimes, the young men caught venereal diseases as a result of their sexual promiscuity, or sired illegitimate offspring. A number of them died due to excessive drinking and eating, or during street duels. The lives of Polish students have been described in numerous accounts from the universities of Padua, Bologna, Rome, Leiden and Altdorf.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje temat obecności polskiego duchowieństwa i duszpasterstwa w środowisku emigracji z ziem polskich w okresie porozbiorowym. Jego celem jest zarysowanie problematyki badawczej dotyczącej roli duchowieństwa wśród polskiej diaspory oraz pokazanie stanu i kierunków badań. Ramy chronologiczne obejmują okres od początku XIX w. do upadku powstania styczniowego. Autor artykułu zbadał działalność duchowieństwa polskiego we Francji w okresie Wielkiej Emigracji. Przeprowadzona kwerenda archiwalna i biblioteczna pokazała, że poza Francją księży polskich można było spotkać na Wyspach Brytyjskich, w Austrii, krajach włoskich, Hiszpanii, Belgii i innych państwach, gdzie dotarły kolejne fale wychodźstwa. W odniesieniu do konkretnych krajów Europy Zachodniej przedstawione zostaną następujące kwestie: 1) zarys emigracji po rozbiorach; 2) liczebność duchowieństwa; 3) inicjatywy duszpasterskie i społeczne polskich księży; 4) stan badań; 5) postulaty dalszych prac naukowych.
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The article deals with the subject of pastoral care and the presence of the Polish clergy among emigrants from Poland in the post-partition period. Its purpose is to outline the research issues regarding the role of the clergy among the Polish Diaspora and to present the current state and directions of research. The chronological framework covers the period from the beginning of the 19th century until the failure of the January Uprising. The author of the article studied the activity of the Polish clergy in France during the Great Emigration period. An archival and library inquiry showed that, apart from France, Polish priests could be found in the British Isles, Austria, the Italian countries, Spain, Belgium, and other countries where subsequent waves of emigration had arrived. The following issues will be presented in the respective Western European countries: 1) an outline of emigration after the partitions; 2) the number of clergy; 3) pastoral and social initiatives of Polish priests; 4) the state of research; 5) postulates for further scientific researches.
EN
The text represents the first attempt to a global assessment of artistic relationships between Low Countries and Bohemian Lands during the Middle Ages. From the relevant findings we can assume almost exclusive dependency of the Bohemian and Moravian art production on the artistic impulses coming from Low Countries especially during the era of the Late Middle Ages. The similar situation we can also follow in other Central European regions.
PL
In the seventeenth century, the practice of handing diplomatic gifts was on the rise among European sovereigns. A certain number of treatises intended for ambassadors specifically refer to this practice. These gifts, brought by the nuncios, his ambassadors, were selected, not only by the pope, but also by great figures in the papal court, like cardinals’ nephews or relatives. They were able to recognize which works would be the most appreciated by the Stuart King, the emperor or the kings of France or Spain. The letters sent by the nuncios or the newspapers which tackle events that had occurred in foreign courts constitute precious sources to identify and review such presents. Moreover, papal gifts were dual. The Supreme Pontiff was a religious sovereign and, as such, he offered reliquaries, blessed swaddling clothes and Golden Roses which were holy objects able to sustain Catholicism and maintain the faith. If these types of offerings were conventional, the pope also sent secular objects such as paintings, which represented profane themes, antique statues and small galanteries such as fans, gloves and perfumes, which is more surprising. As a matter of fact, the pope played a political role as a peacemaker between the other great European powers and defenders of the territories over which he had full jurisdiction: the Supreme Pontiff exercised both spiritual and temporal power. This dual nature can be seen in the different objects given. How did presents become instruments of power which served the pope’s interests? How did gift-giving rituals help him persuade the other sovereigns to follow his will and to maintain him as the greatest sovereign in Western Europe?
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This article concerns the question of political engagement of the West-European intellectuals from the Dreyfus Affair (1898) to the Second World War. After the Sec-ond World War, the European intellectuals attempted to resort to the mode of action elaborated by Dreyfus’ advocates and defenders outside the courtroom. Nevertheless, the success had not been achieved again. The European intellectuals failed to repeat the accomplishment through the lack of political experience, submission and depend-ence. Their intellectual efforts for Europe cannot be positively evaluated and did more harm than good
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ANALIZA CZASU PRACY W KRAJACH EUROPY ZACHODNIEJ

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EN
This article describes the issue of the actual working time in Western Europe, which is regarded as a region with relatively short working hours. Although the average working time in this part of the world is short compared to other OECD countries, the reason for this phenomenon is largely the polarization of the working hours and the associated high percentage of people working in short hours and long hours. Distribution of working hours vary depending on the sex and the analyzed country. While in the case of short hours the possibility of combining work and family responsibilities is of great importance, which lead into an over-representation of women in this group of employees, so determinants of work in long hours for both sexes remain different or interact in opposite directions.
PL
Artykuł porusza problematykę faktycznego czasu pracy w Europie Zachodniej uchodzącej za region, w którym pracuje się stosunkowo mało. Chociaż średni czas pracy w tej części świata jest krótki na tle innych krajów OECD, to przyczyną tego zjawiska w dużej mierze jest polaryzacja rozkładu czasu pracy i związany z nią wysoki odsetek osób pracujących w krótkich godzinach i długich godzinach. Rozkłady czasu pracy różnią się w zależności od płci i analizowanego kraju. O ile w przypadku krótkich godzin duże znaczenie ma możliwość połączenia pracy zawodowej z obowiązkami rodzinnymi, co przekłada się na nadreprezentację kobiet w tej grupie pracujących, tak determinanty pracy w długich godzinach dla obu płci pozostają różne lub oddziałują w przeciwnych kierunkach.
EN
This article focuses on the impact of interpersonal distrust on the perceived locus of control of the concerned person. It is argued that distrust triggers a psychological shift of the perceived locus of control towards distrusted others-a process, which may however be slowed down or even stopped by appropriate subjective or objective buffers. E.g. reliable law enforcement may have this buffering effect as well as the instrumentalisation of the state by corrupt practices. On the bases of interview data form the European Values Study, the article first shows for a great number of Eastern and Western countries the existence of the postulated negative impact of distrust on the degree of perceived internal control. In a second step, the article also investigates the buffering effects of trustworthy law enforcement and corruption. The statistical analyses demonstrate that in Central and Eastern Europe, corruption has a much stronger buffering effect than law enforcement, whereas in Western Europe, the strengths of the two types of buffers are just the reverse.
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The main goal of this article is to elaborate how the foreigners who visited Poland during the 18th century described the appearance of Poles. A post-colonial analysis of their diaries and journey reports shows that although they seem to admire traditional Sarmatian attire, its similarity to oriental clothing carries pretty negative connotations. People raised in Western European culture perceive Poles in a very similar way as they perceive inhabitants of the Orient: as a wild, uncivilised nation. In addition, Polish women are described as voluptuous and libidinous. The resignation from the traditional Old Polish attire can be interpreted as a way to avoid these negative stereotypes. It can be also treated as a symptom of constituting a modern hybrid collective identity of Polish people, torn between native culture and Western culture, without a possibility of full identification with any of them.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to analyse British policy, and position and their evolution in the context of the activities of Robert Schuman as French Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. The general framework of the analysis encompasses the period between 1947, when Robert Schuman was appointedPrime Minister of France, and 1950, when the Schuman Plan was presented. To a limited extent, the analysis is continued until 1954, that is up to the collapse of the European Defence Community project.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza polityki i stanowiska brytyjskiego oraz ich ewolucji, w kontekście aktywności Roberta Schumana, jako premiera i ministra spraw zagranicznych Francji. Ramy analizy należy zakreślić na rok 1947, kiedy to Robert Schuman obejmuje stanowisko premiera Francji. Natomiast jako ichkoniec należy wskazać zasadniczo rok 1950, czyli moment zaprezentowania planu Schumana. Tylko w ograniczonym zakresie analiza jest prowadzona do roku 1954, czyli upadku projektu Europejskiej Wspólnoty Obronnej.
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The initial assumptions that foreign capital, know-how and experience would contribute to the development of the East Central European media in terms of their content, quality and profession- alism only in a positive way were found to be wrong. Five years afer Eastern and Central European countries “achieved” membership to the European Union, the unfortunate characteristics of East Cen- tral Europe’s media have, interalia, been devaluation of quality journalism, homogenization of media content, standardization of media content, uncritical reporting and commercialization/tabloidization. Private media’s desire is to achieve commercial success and to have the largest audience possible. In large part, hunting for this public audience has been accomplished by providing it with imported low-quality programming, sensationalist stories, talk and reality shows and so on (broadcast media). In other words, foreign investors are pushing their own agenda on consumers by importing serials, soap-operas and talk-shows. As for print media, homogenization (internationalization/europeization) of the business model has resulted in so-called carbon copies or clones of the Western publications (for instance: tabloids Fakt, Blikk or Blask). At the end of the day, it must be acknowledged that this all infl uences the overall quality of journal- ism. Indeed, efforts are concentrated at making profi ts at the expense of quality. Furthermore, com- mitments to ethical standards, which would be regarded as a minimum requirement in the home country, are frequently neglected in the host country. Th is paper will draw attention to the impact of foreign investment into the press and broadcasting on media performance in the East Central Europe’s region fi ve years after the EU enlargement. Ultimately, it will demonstrate how foreign investors are dulling public awareness – “dumbing down” to make profit.
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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza efektów polityki integracji muzułmanów w wybranych państwach Europy Zachodniej. Dotychczasowa strategia realizowana przez rządy Wielkiej Brytanii, Królestwa Niderlandów, Szwecji czy Francji nie sprawdza się, skutkując coraz głębszym rozwarstwieniem kulturowym i wyodrębnieniem obszarów praktycznie wyłączonych spod ich jurysdykcji. Fakt istnienia europejskich stref no-go, których w samej Francji (fr. Zones urbaines sensibles) jest kilkaset, coraz częściej traktuje się jako dowód na zawodność modeli społeczeństwa wielokulturowego czy integracyjnego. W obliczu obecnego kryzysu migracyjnego kwestia ich ponownej oceny i weryfikacji wydaje się mieć najwyższy priorytet, tym bardziej że próby rozwiązania generowanych przez nie problemów wiążą się ze wzrostem napięcia społecznego i potencjalną eskalacją przemocy.
EN
The purpose of following article is to analyze the effects of the policy of integration of Muslims in selected Western European countries. So far, the strategy pursued by the governments of Great Britain, the Netherlands, Sweden and France, does not work out, resulting in ever deeper cultural dissection and separation of areas actually excluded from their jurisdiction. No-go zones, which in France alone (ie. Zones urbaines sensibles) are a few hundred, are evidence of the failure of the models of a multicultural society and integration. In face of the current migration crisis, the issue of their re-evaluation and verification appears to have the highest priority, especially that attempts to solve the problems generated by involve an increase in social tension and a potential escalation of vilence.
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