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EN
The aim of this article is to present the images created for political communication by the editorial team of the Polish Film Chronicle (PKF), an important means of transmission of political content. The hypothesis adopted in the research was that in post-war Poland, the PKF became an important component of propaganda activities carried out by the state. Alongside the press and the radio, it was an important tool of political influence in relations between the state authorities and the public. The study uses the techniques of exegesis and media analysis, together with the systemic analysis method. It shows that the PKF’s political communication contained a whole set of meanings, values and principles that played an important role in the media and political message concerning Poland’s Western and Northern Territories and influenced the creation of their image. The pictures of the Western and Northern Territories presented by the PKF’s editors were a component of the political communication process, whose final effect was to legitimise the actions of the post-war state authorities. The incorporation of new territories into the “Motherland” symbolised the cohesion of the nation and the state. The glory of historical events related to the Western and Northern Territories, referred to in the messages communicated by the PKF, and the construction of a new symbolic and cultural order were characterised by political intentionality and trivial indoctrination. The consistent reference to the myth of Piast Poland with regard to the Western and Northern Territories had a compensatory function after the loss of the Eastern Borderlands of the Republic of Poland. The themes of the films shown in the PKF shaped the image of the Western and Northern Territories and contained elements of the anti-war, anti-German, patriotic, national and popular propaganda so desired by the state authorities. The content of the PKF fostered the Polonisation of the memory concerning the end of the war and its consequences, and strove to magnify the achievements of the glorious tradition of the Polish nation in viewers’ eyes.
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Purda Wielka na Warmii - tożsamość miejsca

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EN
Purda, also known as Purda Wielka is a rural commune located in the district of Olsztyn in the territory of historical Warmia. This village community was the object of sociological field studies in 1948 and then again in the years 2005-2006. Based on the accumulated empirical material an analysis of place identity was done understood as an emotional link of the inhabitants with their environment. From the study it follows that all the inhabitants of Purda have a strong place identity manifested in satisfaction from the place of residence and especially from socio-cultural contacts and the natural surroundings.
PL
Artykuł jest próbą spojrzenia na proces kreowania lokalnej tożsamości w oparciu o historyczne dziedzictwo Wrocławia. Problem tożsamości dotyczący Ziem Zachodnich i Północnych (nazywanych także „Ziemiami Odzyskanymi”) jest efektem przyłączenia ich do Polski po konferencji poczdamskiej w 1945 r. Bezprecedensowy w skali świata fakt stuprocentowej wymiany kilkusettysięcznej ludności we Wrocławiu, spowodował zerwanie ciągłości kulturowej i historycznej. Nowa, zatomizowana społeczność musiała w niemieckim Breslau budować polski Wrocław pod dyktando propagandy komunistycznej. „Odniemczano” i „repolonizowano” aby uzasadnić tezę o powrocie tych ziem do macierzy. W początkowym okresie tworzenie narodowych mitów sprzyjało integracji pierwszych mieszkańców, ale w dłuższej perspektywie nie budowało ich identyfikacji z miastem. Trudno bowiem mówić o tożsamości bez poznania i zaakceptowania zastanego dziedzictwa. Dopiero na skutek zmian społeczno-politycznych po 1989 roku, rozpoczęto przywracanie miastu historycznej pamięci, która jest bezwzględnym warunkiem zakorzenienia. Wszelkie działania władz miasta i wrocławskich elit, począwszy od symbolicznego przywrócenia historycznego herbu, tworzenia dokumentów strategicznych, renowację wrocławskich przestrzeni symbolicznych, konsekwentną edukację historyczną i regionalną, aż po stymulowanie społecznych akcji, miały na celu budowanie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego mocno identyfikującego się z miastem i jego (także niemiecką) historią. Poprzez poznawanie i akceptację tejże, mieszkańcy wytworzyli w sobie poczucie regionalnej odrębności, która zawiera się w pojęciu „wrocławskości” - fenomenie w skali Polski.
EN
The article is an attempt to look at the process of creating a new local identity in the city of Wrocław based on its historical heritage. The problem which, in fact, refers to a sense of identity of the people who have inhabited entire Western and Northern Territories (so called “Regained Territories”) incorporated into Poland after the Potsdam Conference in 1945. The world’s unprecedented total replacement of hundreds of thousands inhabitants of the city resulted in breaking off its historical and cultural continuity. A newborn community in German Breslau was forced to build Polish Wrocław at the bidding of communist propaganda. Almost everything was “degermanized” and “repolonized” to support the view that the Regained Territories were reunited with their rightful motherland. At the beginning the creation of such national myths was conducted to integrate the first city dwellers but in the long run it was rather unfavourable for building up their identification with the city. Bringing back Wrocław’s historical memory, which is an essential condition of putting down one’s roots, started as late as 1989, the time when the Polish socio-political transformation was initiated. All the efforts made by both the city’s authorities and its elites, such as the symbolic return of its historical coat of arms, preparation of strategic documents, renovation of the symbolic places of Wrocław, consistent regional historical education as well as various stimulating social campaigns were aimed at building civil society identified with the city and its (also German) history. Owing to such accepted knowledge the inhabitants have developed a sense of their own regional distinctiveness accurately embraced by the concept of “being a Vratislavian”, a settled citizen of his/her own city, a phenomenon which is still unique in Poland.
EN
The question of presenting the heritage of the Borderlands and the life of its inhabitants in Polish museums after 1989 is tackled. The main focus of interest are displays perceived as: 1) visual and public form of knowledge transfer; 2) the way of overcoming the trauma of losing one’s native land; 3) tools for creating collective identity and 4) effects of the participation of Borderland circles in creating the display. The goal of the study is an overview of contemporary exhibitions dedicated to the Eastern Borderlands, and the experience of their loss as the result of WW II. Since the residents of the Borderlands were relocated to the ‘former German’ territories, the overview centres on the displays from the Western and Northern Territories. Apart from the local and national aspects, what matters is also the international dimension related to museum presentations of the ‘lost land’ and the fate of migrants. Therefore, the activity of Polish institutions is initially shown in the European context, through recalling the legal framework and working conditions of so called East German museums commemorating the ‘German East’ lost by Germany. The question of the reasons for the disproportion in the presentation of the topic between Poland and Germany is posed, while the to-date achievements of Polish museologists are presented.
PL
W artykule rozważana jest polityka kolejnych rządów powojennej Polski wobec Ślązaków jako mieszkańców Ziem Zachodnich i Północnych, czyli włączonych w 1945 roku do Polski. Polityka ta nosiła znamiona czystek etnicznych, mianowicie przeprowadzano weryfikację narodowościową, po której wysiedlono osoby uznane za Niemców, prowadzono szeroko zakrojoną akcję asymilacyjną do kultury polskiej, rugując lokalną kulturę. Na podstawie dokumentów z Archiwum Akt Nowych dotyczących Ministerstwa Ziem Odzyskanych widać, jak niespójna była polityka państwa, jak wiele zależało od decyzji lokalnych decydentów.Prowadzono polonizację ziem włączonych do państwa, eliminując kultury regionalne – na Śląsku polegało to na polonizacji imion, nazwisk i nazw geograficznych, zakazie mówienia po śląsku, usunięciu księży nieposługujących się płynnie językiem polskim, zakazie porozumiewania się po niemiecku, usuwaniu z życia społecznego lokalnych elit. Taka działalność stanowiła analogię do tej prowadzonej przez nazistów w latach 30. XX wieku. Odzwierciedleniem tej polityki były badania socjologiczne, które od pewnego momentu zatraciły wymiar obiektywny i sprzyjały oficjalnym posunięciom władz. Obecna polityka wobec Śląska niewiele się różni. Nadal silna jest presja polonizacyjna, a próby uzyskania autonomii czy rejestracji języka śląskiego jako regionalnego rodzą agresywne reakcje polityków.
EN
The article presents the policy implemented by several governments of the post-war Poland towards Silesians, inhabitants of the Recovered Territories, that is to say the territories that became part of Poland after World War 2. That policy included elements that may be called ethnic cleansing; there was ethnicity identification according to which persons identified as Germans were displaced; and an assimilation action was taken to promote Polish culture and to remove the local one. Documents from the Archives of Current Acts concerning the Ministry of Recovered Territories prove that the State’s policy was incoherent and many questions depended on local decision-makers. The Polonisation of the recovered territories eliminated regional cultures; in Silesia it consisted in Polonisation of surnames, personal and geographical names, a ban on speaking Silesian and German, displacement of priests who did not speak Polish fluently and local elites in general. That policy may be compared to the one pursued by the Nazis in the 1930s. One of the results of such a policy were sociological studies, which – at a certain point – stopped being objective and started supporting the official policy. The present-day policy towards Silesia is hardly different; the Polonisation pressure is still quite strong, and any attempts to gain autonomy or recognition of the Silesian language as a regional one meet with aggression on part of politicians.
PL
W artykule zaprezentowano wyniki empirycznego badania jakościowego wśród elit kulturalnych Szczecina. Przedstawiono rekonstrukcję wykrytych w materiale empirycznym stanowisk w kwestii „jakie dziedzictwo powinno być kultywowane w Szczecinie?” Wielość tych stanowisk wskazuje na nierozwiązany problem stosunku do przeszłości, wyrażający się w napięciu między dwoma dziedzictwami interpretowanymi w kategoriach narodowościowych („niemieckie” i „polskie” dziedzictwo). Napięcie to i sposoby radzenia sobie z nim mają konsekwencję dla wytwarzania „tożsamości kolektywnej” miasta oraz dla procesów „panowania symbolicznego” nad terytorium.
EN
The article contains a presentation of the empirical results of the qualitative research among cultural elites of Szczecin. The reconstruction of positions adopted by respondents on the issue of „what heritage should be cultivated in Szczecin?” is presented. The multiplicity of these positions indicates the unsolved problem with the Past, expressed as tension between two heritages interpreted in national categories („the German” and „the Polish” one). This tension and ways of making up with it do have some consequences for producing a „collective identity” of the city and for the processes of „symbolic domination” over the territory.
EN
In the article, I present the content and the context of the foundation story of Wroclaw – created after 1945 in one of the largest and most destroyed cities which joined Poland after World War II (Polish Western and Northern Territories). The analyzed empirical material consists of personal documents – statements of Wroclaw residents written and submitted in 1966 for the competition entitled: “What does the city of Wrocław mean to you”. The most important element of this story about the creation of the city is the figure of a pioneer, shaped in the image of a mythical hero. The features of pioneers (such as courage, uncompromising love for the city and openness to others) have become an important narrative co-creating the discourse about the city in the narratives of subsequent generations of Wroclaw residents.
EN
Press photography was a tool of propaganda in the Polish People's Republic. However, the period itself was not at all homogeneous, and the introduction of the Leninist model of the press in Poland was preceded by several years of planning. In addition to the propaganda and agitation press, there were also non-Marxist magazines, such as Odra in Katowice. The extent of their liberty shrank over time. This is evidenced by, among other aspects, photographs: next to labor leaders, cartoonish images of Germans were published, being an element of the anti-German discourse serving to justify forced expulsions. In the article, the author investigates the functioning of photography in the pages of a magazine gradually succumbing to the pressure of propaganda.
PL
Fotografia prasowa w Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej była narzędziem propagandy. Wprowadzenie w Polsce leninowskiego modelu prasy poprzedził kilkuletni okres planowania. Oprócz gazet mających charakter propagandowo-agitacyjny działały między innymi czasopisma określające się jako niemarksistowskie, jak katowicka „Odra”. Margines ich swobody z biegiem czasu coraz bardziej się kurczył. Świadectwem tego są między innymi fotografie. Obok przodowników pracy zamieszczano karykaturalne wizerunki Niemców, będące elementem dyskursu antyniemieckiego ukierunkowanego między innymi na uzasadnienie słuszności wysiedleń. W niniejszym artykule autor stawia pytanie o funkcjonowanie fotografii na łamach czasopisma stopniowo ulegającego naciskom propagandy.
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